• Tiada Hasil Ditemukan

View of NEW POLITICAL NORM IN MALAYSIA POST 14TH GENERAL ELECTION: AN ANALYSIS OF HOW THE LOSING PARTIES FORM A GOVERNMENT AND THE WINNING PARTIES BECOME THE OPPOSITION

N/A
N/A
Protected

Academic year: 2022

Share "View of NEW POLITICAL NORM IN MALAYSIA POST 14TH GENERAL ELECTION: AN ANALYSIS OF HOW THE LOSING PARTIES FORM A GOVERNMENT AND THE WINNING PARTIES BECOME THE OPPOSITION"

Copied!
11
0
0

Tekspenuh

(1)

International Journal of Social Science Research (IJSSR) eISSN: 2710-6276 | Vol. 3 No. 1 [March 2021]

Journal website: http://myjms.mohe.gov.my/index.php/ijssr

NEW POLITICAL NORM IN MALAYSIA POST 14TH

GENERAL ELECTION: AN ANALYSIS OF HOW THE LOSING PARTIES FORM A GOVERNMENT AND THE WINNING

PARTIES BECOME THE OPPOSITION

Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub1*

1 Department of Administrative Studies and Politics, Faculty of Economics and Administration, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, MALAYSIA

*Corresponding author: tawfik@um.edu.my

Article Information:

Article history:

Received date : 30 January 2021 Revised date : 23 February 2021 Accepted date : 28 February 2021 Published date : 1 March 2021

To cite this document:

Yaakub, M. (2021). NEW POLITICAL NORM IN MALAYSIA POST 14TH GENERAL ELECTION: AN ANALYSIS OF HOW THE LOSING PARTIES FORM A GOVERNMENT AND THE WINNING PARTIES BECOME THE OPPOSITION. International Journal Of Social Science Research, 3(1), 34-44.

Abstract: The 14th General Election witnessed Barisan Nasional coalition (BN) that ruled the country for 61 years failed to retain its position as the Federal government for the first time since Independence. Besides, several states that were previously synonymous as BN strongholds such as Melaka, Negeri Sembilan, Johor also experienced change in government from BN to Pakatan Harapan (PH).

Following the collapse of BN in GE14, the election was dubbed the mother of all elections conducted in this country ever since the wave of the rise of people on 2008. Through GE14, Pakatan Harapan (which used PKR logo for GE14) won 122 parliamentary seats, enabling the coalition to comfortably lead Federal government in Putrajaya. While BN only gained 79 parliamentary seats and became the opposition for the first time in the political history of this country. However, PH which won GE14 and led the government for 22 months collapsed when one of its components which is Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (BERSATU) and some of PKR parliamentary members left the coalition. After leaving PH, this group formed new alliances with the opposition, BN and Parti Islam Malaysia (PAS) to form Federal government through Perikatan Nasional coalition. The strategy of political cooperation is the platform for the opposition which lost GE14 to become the government after the winning party failed to defend its position as the Federal government. The dynamicity of Malaysian politics through cross-party cooperation

(2)

1. Introduction

The dynamicity of Malaysian politics including political cooperation between the opposition party and the government, monarchy in nine Malay states and transition of government power from the winning party in the election to the opposition party is a unique attribute difficult to find in any other countries around the world. Malaysia recorded another historic political event since Independence when the party that won 14th General Election (GE14), PKR (PH coalition thereafter) only managed to maintain power for 22 months as the Federal Government and the government is then led by the opposition coalition by the name of Perikatan Nasional (PN).

The formation of a new Federal government led by PN began when BERSATU and a few parliamentary members of PKR left PH resulting in the loss of majority for the coalition in Dewan Rakyat. Thereafter, they formed a political cooperation with BN, PAS and Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) to form a Malay-Muslim based Federal government. The collapse of PH government was a result of several internal and external elements that were poorly managed by the leadership of the coalition opening the path to a transition of political power. This article discusses the main factors behind the collapse of PH government and the success of the opposition parties that lost GE14 in identifying the opportunity and gap to establish a new government. The next part discusses the approach taken to evaluate the strategy and platform that build the cooperation and political dynamicity post GE14.

between parliamentary members showed how the political practice has shifted from party-based struggle to common interest.

Keywords: political cooperation, Pakatan Harapan and Perikatan Nasional.

(3)

2. Theory of Political Cooperation

According to Deutsch (1949), the fundamental idea for the formation of the cooperation theory that exists through inter-relationship between each other was to achieve the same goals and traits. The same goes for the related actors when faced with certain situations (Deutsch 1949: 130-134). For Deutsch (1949), there are seven key traits needed to form a good alliance which are effective communication between actors, openness and good friendship, smooth process of discussion, existing jobs segregation, the ability to accept opinion of others and to have trust among team members, recognizing and respecting each other, strengthening the position through achievements of other actors and sharing and able to solve the problem collectively. The following Model 1 is the political alliances model that has been modified from the alliance theory and Deustch (1949) provided some clear insight regarding political alliances within Malaysian’s political community.

Model 1: Theoretical Framework for Political Cooperation

Based on the Deutsch (1949) discussion, effective communication refers to a successfully translated idea through discussion until attention is created and it influences the members of the organisation.

Consequently, an actor that intends to cooperate needs to have friendship value, open-mindedness, ability to assist and not impeding the discussion process. This shows that the members are satisfied with the cooperation progress that promotes contribution and solutions which involve all members of the organisation.

Political Conflict

Cooperation Theory 1. Effective communication 2. Friendship values, openness

and not impeding the discussion process

3. Task coordination 4. Same belief and opinion 5. Respect and recognize other

people

6. Strengthen the power by other actors achievements

7. Differences as consensus problem

Political Cooperation Leadership

(4)

Additionally, job coordination and good responsibility are needed for the establishment to ensure segregation of tasks, endeavours that were organized earlier and shared sources among the actors involved in the political alliances formed. With the existing synergy process, the leaders need be open to opinions and have a belief towards the idea that is put forward by other parties and is eventually able to influence other parties to agree with him. Within the context of teamwork, the actors need to recognise and give chances on the demands posed by the political partners. According to this scholar, actors that plan to establish power can do the same thing if his counterpart assists to achieve that goal.

The last feature that was presented through this approach is the synergy within the political context.

It can be manifested if each actor cooperates to evaluate every conflict and differences that arise as a collective problem. Throughout the traits postulated by the scholar, strong political affiliation can be crafted if the leaders take the lead and execute it. Nevertheless, the affiliation has to be dynamic and can return as a unit of analysis in this study.

3. History Of UMNO-BN Political Cooperation with PAS to Form Federal Government 1973 The feats to establish a coalition government in 1973 is an outcome of political collaboration of the Muslim-Malay that was successfully pioneered by UMNO and PAS leaders the post-independence.

Instability of the country at that time caused the government to advice the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong to declare an emergency. Following the execution of that order, a new organization named Majlis Gerakan Negara (MAGERAN) led by Tun Abdul Razak was established to replace the function of the previous government. The appointment of Tun Abdul Razak to lead MAGERAN was an opportunity for him to pioneer political alliances between UMNO and PAS, which is also a formula to face challenges and created national political unity (Mohd Syakir 2016: 20-22).

To face racial political challenge that worsened after 13thMay 1969, Tun Abdul Razak took action to pioneer the new Malay political formula and proposed that political party should not only focus on politics but they should make an effort together to develop the country (Jamaei 2003: 25-28). For that reason, he acted against Malaysia’s political tradition by inviting Dato Mohd Asri Muda as Yang Di- Pertua PAS to meet him in Kuala Lumpur on 16th of May 1969. This meeting was to discuss pertinent issues related to the tragedy and future planning that can be executed. This showed wisdom and the capabilities as a leader when faced with a political scandal that hit the Muslim-Malay community at that time. The two-sided collaboration continued seriously when PAS in January 1970 was invited by Tun Abdul Razak to join Majlis Perundingan Negara as a platform to exchange opinion and have discussions for the appointed members (Funston 1980: 250-254). To display the seriousness of the political alliances between UMNO and PAS, negotiations involving both parties were conducted by the leaders until the formation of a coalition government in 1973.

(5)

Through the establishment of the coalition government, both of the parties have successfully executed task segregation between each other by appointing PAS leaders to hold some government positions.

For instance; Mohd Asri Muda as the Minister of Land Development Agency and Special Force and Abu Bakar Hamzah as Parliamentary Secretary for the Ministry of National and Rural Development.

Consequently, UMNO representatives in Kelantan were also elected as Members of the State Assembly Council (EXCO) in the PAS administration to a manifested political coalition that was agreed by both the parties (Lukman 2016: 172-175). This readiness was for the political parties to put aside their ideology and political disputes until the formation of a coalition government. Overall, this coalition received strong support from the Malay community in this country through the General Election Results in 1974. Table 1 displays the achievements by UMNO against PAS in three different general elections before and after the formation of a coalition government in 1973.

Table 1: Comparative Achievements Between UMNO and PAS Pre- and Post-Formation of Coalition Government

Parties Seat Won by UMNO Seat Won by PAS

Level Parliament DUN Parliament DUN

1969 General Election 51 133 12 40

1974 General Election 61 173 14 46

1978 General Election 69 174 5 9

Sources: Amended from Mohd Asri Muda (1993) and General Election Statement (Dewan Rakyat and Dewan Undangan Negeri) 1969, Inter-Parliamentary Union: Historical Archive Parliamentary Election Result (1996), Mauzy (1979) & Chandrasekaran Pillay (1974).

With reference to Table 1, both UMNO and PAS have shown an increase in the number of seats won in the 1974 General Election compared to the previous election. An increase in the numbers was due to the political alliances between both the parties that were pioneered by UMNO and PAS leaders after the incident of Race Riots on May 13th, 1969, (Mohd Syakir 2015; 59-61). The coalition government that was formed after the fourth general election had successfully fortified power and supremacy of the Malay politics within the government when 75 of the Parliamentary members came from UMNO and PAS (Lukman 2013: 46-48). However, the alliances that were successfully formed were unable to be sustained when PAS was eliminated from Barisan Nasional (BN) in 1977. The removal of PAS signalled the end of the political alliances between the two parties and also rendered effects to PAS performances in the next General Election.

(6)

4. Post GE14: From PH Government to Opposition Cooperation to Form PN Government The results of GE14 witnessed the opposition party through PKR made history since their participation in the country’s politics by gaining 104 parliamentary seats and they formed alliances with Warisan from Sabah dan Democratic Action Party (DAP) from Sarawak to enable them to surpass BN to form Federal government. In fact, a few states that were previously synonymous as BN strongholds such as Melaka, Negeri Sembilan and Johor also experienced a change in political power since the eruption of the wave of people’s uprising in 2008 until it reaches the peak in GE14.

The following table showed:

Table 2: The Seat Distribution of The Respective Parties Contesting in GE14

States TOTAL

Perlis 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 3

Kedah 10 2 3 0 0 0 0 15

Penang 11 2 0 0 0 0 0 13

Perak 13 11 0 0 0 0 0 24

Selangor 20 2 0 0 0 0 0 22

W.P Kuala Lumpur 10 0 0 0 0 1 0 11

W.P Putrajaya 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1

W.P Labuan 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1

Negeri Sembilan 5 3 0 0 0 0 0 8

Melaka 4 2 0 0 0 0 0 6

Johor 18 8 0 0 0 0 0 26

Pahang 5 9 0 0 0 0 0 14

Terengganu 0 2 6 0 0 0 0 8

Kelantan 0 2 9 0 0 0 0 11

Sabah 3 10 0 3 8 0 1 25

Sarawak 4 19 0 6 0 2 0 31

TOTAL 104 79 18 9 8 2 1 222

Source: Election Commission of Malaysia, http://pru14.spr.gov.my/#!/parliament

In order to form a stable Federal Government, PKR reached a consensus with Warisan led by Shafie Apdal from Sabah and DAP from Sarawak. Since parliamentary members from Borneo constitute a large portion of parliamentary seats, this consensus is of paramount importance to ensure that these parliamentary members can become part of the government component on Federal level. Nonetheless, after 22 months leading the Federal government, PH coalition that was registered as a political party after GE14 to replace PKR faced various internal and external problems that endanger their position than before GE14. The next part will elaborate on the seeds of discord that lead to the fragmentation within PH which eventually lead to BERSATU and a few PKR parliamentary members leaving the coalition causing the collapse of PH government.

(7)

5. Feud Between PKR Top Leaders

Feud between PKR leaders began since PKR Leadership Election 2018 when the two top leaders of the party, Mohamed Azmin Ali and Rafizi Ramli contested for Party’s Deputy President position.

Political camp led by Mohamed Azmin (incumbent Deputy President) managed to garner 51.03 percent of support from party members to retain the position of Deputy President while blocking the domination of his opponent’s block led by Rafizi Ramli (Malaysiakini https://pages.malaysiakini.com/pkr2018/my/).

The success of Mohamed Azmin to defend his position as the Deputy President and his several supporters to win key positions in the party sparked continuous feud in PKR after GE14. The continuous feud and fragmentation within the party reached its peak when PKR decided to fire Mohamed Azmin and several party’s top leaders that were identified as the supporter of the Deputy President. The following table are the names of the top leaders of PKR who were fired and left the party for supporting the group led by Mohamed Azmin:

Table 3: Names of The Top Leaders of PKR Who Were Fired and Left the Party

Name of PKR Leaders Position in PKR

Mohamed Azmin Ali Deputy President

Zuraida Kamaruddin Vice President

Ali Biju Vice President

Hilman Idham Youth Deputy Chief (AMK)

Haniza Talha Women’s Chief

Daroyah Alwi Deputy Women’s Chief

Saifuddin Abdullah Central Leadership Council Member

Kamaruddin Jaafar Central Leadership Council Member

Mansor Othman Central Leadership Council Member

Rashid Hasnon Central Leadership Council Member

Dr. Santhara Kumar Ramanaidu Central Leadership Council Member

Baru Bian Central Leadership Council Member

Khalid Jaafar Central Leadership Council Member

The dismissal of the top leaders and some of its parliamentary members leaving the party caused the PH-led government to lose its majority leading to the dissolution of a government that was formed 22 months earlier. Group of parliamentary members who were aligned to Mohamed Azmin then formed a new political alliance with BERSATU, BN-UMNO and PAS to establish a new government named Perikatan Nasional. The alliance was built on the conviction of an existing political cooperation elements including effective communication, friendship values and openness that encourages discussion, task coordination, aligned belief and political perspective, respect and recognition of one another, strengthening power based on other’s achievement and differences are treated as shared problem.

(8)

6. Uncontrolled Racial Issues Under PH Governance

Racial issues which erupted since the transition of power on 2018 were still poorly managed by the government causing further gap between races. This eventually caused severe racial tensions in several incidents including a riot at Seafield Temple located at Subang Jaya which caused the death of a firefighter, Muhammad Adib Mohd Kassim, Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) conundrum and the introduction of khat and Jawi in Bahasa Melayu’s syllabus.

The death of Muhammad Adib Mohd Kassim who was the firefighter on-duty during the incident of riot at Seafield Temple on 27th of November 2018 sparked the anger of people especially the Malays who view the incident from racial perspective. During the incident, the firefighter was attacked by several unidentified Indian assailants causing fatal injuries that eventually led to his death ten days after receiving intensive treatment. Tension on the issue increased even further when several government political leaders from DAP issued racist remarks by claiming that the riot happened because of an attack by Islamist group causing disharmony. Besides, the minister responsible for social well being and unity in PH cabinet, Waytha Moorthy failed to ease the tension of the issue. In fact, the credibility of the Attorney General at that time, Tommy Thomas was also questionable when several suspects of the murder of the firefighter were released on police bail (Mohd Azizuddin Mohd Sani, Azahar Kassim & Ummu Atiyah Ahmad Zakuan, 2019:11-12).

This unstable environment of race relation negatively impacted the political and social development of the country indicating the failure of government to manage racial issues wisely. The spread of unchecked racial issues was the best opportunity used by the opposition parties to denounce the actions of government and claim that the government is dominated by DAP to the extent it becomes incompetent to act against sensitive issues. The unpredictable racial politics ecosystem at that time managed to influence and increase the support towards Malay-Muslim based opposition parties.

Tension on racial politics increased even further as the government was pressurized from time to time to recognize the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC). Generally, Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) is a system of examination utilized by Chinese private schools which use different syllabus than the national syllabus and reject the use of Malay language as the medium of learning. The government was pushed to recognize the certificate as entry qualification for admission into local universities and for job opportunity in public service. For opposition parties such as UMNO and PAS, the pressure was identified as a coercion to the national education policy and the new government (Ngu Ik Tien & Lee Hwok Aun, 2019:235-236). In fact, the opposition claimed that the DAP- dominated PH government is responsible for the pressure and the effort to give the opportunity for UEC to be recognized by the government. The effort to recognize UEC received strong opposition from UMNO, PAS and several non-governmental organizations (NGO) such as Pertubuhan Peribumi Perkasa (PERKASA) and Ikatan Muslimin Malaysia (ISMA).

(9)

Continuous opposition from the political and civil society had influenced the Malays to develop the spirit to reject UEC. In fact, the UEC issue became the best opportunity for Malay-Muslim opposition parties to erode people’s trust and belief towards the government which failed to protect Malay language and national education policy even when the Minister of Education of PH government was a Malay from BERSATU. The UEC issue continued to give PH problems when they also face constant pressure from chauvinist movements especially The United Chinese School Committees Association of Malaysia (Dong Zong) and United Chinese School Teachers’ Association of Malaysia (Jiao Zong) which rejected Jawi writing and khat teachings in school.Rejection of khat teachings and Jawi writing in the syllabus of Bahasa Melayu subject in vernacular schools were publicly done and the government was urged through the Ministry of Education to discontinue the element of learning in the syllabus since it was allegedly a concern for non-Malays community. This public rejection towards the syllabus of khat and Jawi became a great opportunity for the Malay parties and organizations to continue the agenda of eroding people’s support for PH. Despite DAP’s effort denying the allegation that they were the main culprit behind the government’s delicate approach towards UEC recognition and the teachings of khat and Jawi in vernacular schools, but the idea that the party is indeed embroiled in racial issues became more rational to the Malays (Malay Mail, https ://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2020/01/01/how-will-halt-of-dong-zongs-jawi-congress- affect-pakatan/1823736).

7. Mahathir Mohamad Resigned as the 7th Prime Minister

Besides the action taken by BERSATU to leave PH, the firing and parliamentary members leaving PKR, the transition of government from the winning party in GE14 to the losing party in the election was primarily caused by the resignation of Dr. Mahathir Mohamad as the 7th Prime Minister. This was a drastic action since Dr. Mahathir didn’t discuss with the component parties on his plan to resign as the prime minister and this unilateral decision eventually led to the fall of PH government formed for 22 months. After his resignation, BERSATU formed alliances with BN, PAS, GPS and a few parliamentary members previously from PKR. The following table displayed the change in parliamentary seats by political parties which eventually caused the GE14 winning coalition to become the opposition, while the losing one eventually managed to form Federal government:

Table 4: The Change in Parliamentary Seats by Political Parties

Coalition

Component Party

Parliament Seats

36 42 11 42 18 30 18 3 1

TOTAL: 89 TOTAL: 112

(10)

Today’s political norm is different than the formation of a Coalition Government in 1973 between BN and PAS. The Coalition Government was formed when BN was in power and in control of the Federal government, while PN is formed when BN and PAS were both oppositions.

This situation proved that the basis of the political cooperation in both eras has the same Malay- Muslim issue as the core theme. However, the transition of power from the GE14 winning party to the opposition and the losing parties in the election to take over the government is a new unprecedented norm in the history of Malaysian politics (New Straits Times, https://www.nst.com.my/news/politics/2020/05/593485/muhyiddin-has-majority support-pm-says- agong).

The political change that happened today is a new dimension of the practice of democracy and the political survival strategy for the main actors in Malaysia since Independence. The action taken by parliamentary members and political parties to leave and join other political coalition is allowed in this country’s political practice and is not against any laws in Malaysia. Therefore, transition of government power can happen and is in line with democratic political freedom if there is a coalition with majority in parliament even if they are the losing party in general election.

8. Conclusion

The dynamicity of Malaysian politics shows that the position of the ruling party as the government can change if there are no party dominating the seats in the Parliament. For parliamentary members, their positions in the party are not bounded to laws and they have the option to determine their political survival throughout their political service. Issues involving the public interest and the country became a more important factor for the parliamentary members than blind loyalty to the party for the people to continuously support them until GE15.

As a democratic country, election is conducted every five year to elect the party that will lead the government. But a new history in the country’s politics happened when transition took place without election and this transition is not against the Federal Constitution. The smooth transition of power from PH to PN on February 2020 is the proof of the maturity of democracy in Malaysia.

(11)

References

Chandrasekaran Pillay. (1974). The 1974 General Elections in Malaysia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.

Deutsch, M. (1949). A theory of cooperation and competition. Journal of Human Relations (2):129- 151.

Farish Noor. (2014). The Malaysian Islamic Party PAS 1951-2013: Islamism in a Mottled Nation.

Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.

Funston, J. N. (1980). Malay politics in Malaysia: a study of UMNO & PAS. Kuala Lumpur:

Heinemann.

Funston, N. J. (1976). The origins of Parti Islam Se-Malaysia. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 7(01), 58-73.

How will halt of Dong Zong's jawi congress affect Pakatan? (2020, January 1st). Malay Mail.

Retrieved from https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2020/01/01/how-will-halt-of-dong- zongs-jawi-congress-affect-pakatan/1823736.

Jamaei Hamil. (2003). Jamaie Haji Hamil, (2003) Kepimpinan politik: pola kepimpinan politik UMNO. AKADEMIKA, 62 (2).

Lukman Thaib. (2013). Muslim politics in Malaysia and the democratization process. British Journal of Advance Social Science (BJASS) 3(6):45-57.

Mauzy, D. K. (1979). The 1978 General Election in Malaysia. Asian Survey 19(3):281-296.

Mauzy, D. K. (1983). Barisan Nasional: Coalition government in Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur: Marican

& Sons.

Muhyiddin has majority support as PM, says Agong. (2020, 18 May). New Straits Times. Retrieved from https://www.nst.com.my/news/politics/2020/05/593485/muhyiddin-has-majority-support- pm-says-agong.

Mohd Azizuddin Mohd Sani, Azahar Kassim & Ummu Atiyah Ahmad Zakuan. (2019). Membincang Malaysia Bersama Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad: Politik, Ekonomi & Masyarakat 2019.

Surabaya: Airlangga Universiti Press.

Mohd Asri Haji Muda. (1993). Memoir Politik Asri: Meniti Arus. Bangi: Penerbit UKM.

Mohd Syakir Mohd Rosdi. (20150. The roles of tahaluf siyasi in political unity. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science 5(7):59-71.

Ngu Ik Tien & Lee Hwok Aun. (2019). Social Transformation and The Consolidation of Chinese Vote for Regime Change, in Hutchinson, E.F. & Lee Hwok Aun (eds). The defeat of Barisan Nasional: missed signs or late surge? Singapore: ISEAS.

PRU 14, Pilihan Raya Umum ke-14. (2018, May 9). Election Commission of Malaysia. Retrieved from http://pru14.spr.gov.my/#!/parliament.

Pemilihan PKR 2018. (2018, November 11). Malaysiakini. Retrieved from https://pages.malaysiakini.com/pkr2018/my/

Rujukan

DOKUMEN BERKAITAN

After Mohd Daud was overthrown, UMNO together with former PAS and PN state assemblymen announced the formation of a PERIKATAN state government led by Ibrahim Fikri

Dependency on the western theories and perspectives has closed their heart and mind in studying the relationship between Islamic values and human behaviour; no

Results from the 2006 Sarawak State Election (hereon after SSE 2006) and the 2008 12th General Elections (hereon after GE 2008) have been alarming with the opposition

The voting patterns of young voters in Permatang Pauh, Kuala Terengganu and Bukit Gantang parliamentary by-elections show the tendency of young voters to

Moreover, according to [9], in respect of PAS, PKR and even DAP, their agenda was always in juxtaposition with the objective of winning the 13th General Election and to appoint

Thus, it makes this research project one of the first papers seeking to understand how the 12 th general election in Malaysia affects the stock market, making use of the GARCH

The literature is reviewed in eight major areas: process of general election, political climate in Malaysia, Malaysian stock market, KLCI and Sectoral Indices

Interesting points of the statement is that gay people see political socialization regarding to the general election for LGBT groups is need to be expanded to give an