The copyright © of this thesis belongs to its rightful author and/or other copyright owner. Copies can be accessed and downloaded for non-commercial or learning purposes without any charge and permission. The thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted as a whole without the permission from its rightful owner. No alteration or changes in format is allowed without permission from its rightful owner.
INTERNAL PARTY DEMOCRACY AND PARTY
INSTITUTIONALIZATION IN NIGERIA: IMPLICATION FOR DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION -1999-2015
ALFA PATRICK INNOCENT (902050)
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY UTARA MALAYSIA
INTERNAL PARTY DEMOCRACY AND PARTY
INSTITUTIONALIZATION IN NIGERIA: IMPLICATION FOR DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION -1999-2015.
ALFA PATRICK INNOCENT (902050)
A Thesis Submitted to the College of Law, Government and International Studies in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy, Universiti Utara Malaysia
PERMISSION TO USE
In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for PhD degree from the Universiti Utara Malaysia, I agree that the University Library may take it freely available for inspection. I further agree that the permission for copying of this thesis in any manner either in whole or in part, for scholarly purpose may be granted by my supervisor or in his absence, by the Dean, Ghazali Shafie Graduate School of Government, College of Law, Government and International Studies (COLGIS). It is understood that any copying or publication or use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the Universiti Utara Malaysia for any scholarly use which may be made of any material from my thesis.
Request for permission to copy or make other use of material in this thesis in whole or in part should be addressed to:
Dean (Ghazali Shafie Graduate School of Government) UUM College of Law, Government and International Studies
Universiti Utara Malaysia 06010 UUM Sintok Kedah DarulAman Malaysia
ABSTRACT
The study interrogates the interface between internal party democracy, party institutionalization and democratic consolidation in Nigeria's Fourth Republic. It is a conceptual and qualitative study which employed primary and secondary data collection procedures. The data were analysed thematically. The study contends that since Nigeria's return to democratic rule on May 29, 1999, political parties have not been able to contribute meaningfully to democratic consolidation. Using two leading Fourth Republic political parties, the People Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) as case studies, the study posits that the inability of the parties to make a positive impact in consolidating the country's democracy is informed by their level of institutionalization which have been undermined by the dearth of internal party democracy. This has manifested in the dysfunctional ways in which they evolve, their inherent lack of unity and focus, involvement in electoral fraud, intergovernmental disharmony, political violence, ideological deficit, indiscipline, elite polarisation and endemic defection. The study avers that there is a critical need for Nigeria's political parties to, among others, adhere to the tenets of internal party democracy, hinge their formation and operations on ideologies, refrain from ethnic politics and remain stable with effective societal roots at all times. The study also advocates the need to evolve a nationalistic and visionary leadership. The need for an articulate political socialization is also seen by the study as imperative in order to promote the values of unity, hard work, accommodation and discipline. The INEC should be constitutionally empowered to enforce internal party democracy. Efficient intraparty and interparty deliberations are also prescriptive to entrench the culture of cooperation. Fundamentally too, the study suggests that a new political culture and legal framework should be pursued by relevant institutions to ensure that political competitions are anchored on constitutional government, separation of powers and the rule of law. The study concludes that the enforcement of these recommendations by the relevant stakeholders will promote internal party democracy, facilitate party institutionalization and fast track democratic consolidation in Nigeria's Fourth Republic.
Key Words: Internal party democracy, Party institutionalization, Democratic consolidation, Fourth Republic, Nigeria.
ABSTRAK
Kajian ini menyelidik hubungkait di antara demokrasi parti dalaman, penginstitusian parti dan penyatuan demokratik di Republik Keempat Nigeria. Kajian ini merupakan kajian berbentuk konseptual dan kualitatif yang menggunakan prosedur pengumpulan data primer dan sekunder. Data dianalisis berdasarkan tema. Kajian ini mendapati sejak Nigeria kembali ke pemerintahan demokratik pada 29 Mei 1999, parti politik didapati tidak dapat menyumbang sepenuhnya kepada penyatuan demokratik. Dengan menggunakan dua parti politik Republik Keempat, Parti Demokratik Rakyat (PDP) dan Kongres Semua Progresif (APC) sebagai kajian kes, kajian ini berpendapat bahawa ketidakupayaan parti-parti tersebutuntuk memberi kesan positif dalam mengukuhkan demokrasi negara adalah disebabkan tahap penginstitusian yang lemah, yang mana ianya berpunca dari kekurangan demokrasi parti dalaman. Ini terbukti melalui pelbagai carayang langsung tidak menyumbang kepada perkembangan parti, seperti kekurangan sifat perpaduan dan tidak memberikan tumpuan, penglibatan dalam penipuan semasa pilihan raya, ketidakharmonian dalam kerajaan, keganasan politik, defisit ideologi, ketidakpedulian, polarisasi elit dan pembelotan yang berleluasa.Kajian mendapati bahawa adalah amat kritikal bagi parti politik Nigeria untuk mematuhi prinsip demokrasi parti dalaman, bergantung kepada pembentukan dan operasi mereka terhadap ideologi, menjauhkan diri daripada politik etnik dan tetap stabil dengan tunjang masyarakat yang berkesan pada setiap masa. Kajian ini juga menyokong keperluan untuk mengembangkan kepimpinan yang nasionalistik dan berwawasan.Keperluan untuk sosialisasi politik yang jelas juga dilihat sebagai penting untuk mempromosikan nilai-nilai perpaduan, bekerja keras, bertolak ansur dan berdisiplin. Suruhanjaya Bebas Pilihanraya Kebangsaan (INEC) harus diberi kuasa secara perlembagaan untuk menguatkuasakan demokrasi parti dalaman. Kecekapan dalam parti politik dan perbincangan di antara parti juga merupakan cara terbaik untuk memupuk budaya kerjasama.Secara asasnya juga, kajian mencadangkan bahawa budaya politik dan kerangka undang-undang yang baharu perlu diadakan oleh mana-mana institusi yang berkenaan untuk memastikan bahawa pertandingan politik adalah berdasarkan kerajaan yang berperlembagaan, pemisahan kuasa dan kedaulatan undang-undang. Kajian menyimpulkan bahawa penguatkuasaan cadangan-cadangan di atas oleh pihak-pihakberkepentingan yang releven akan menggalakkan demokrasi parti dalaman, memudahkan penginstitusian parti dan mempercepatkan penyatuan demokratik di Republik Keempat Nigeria.
Kata Kunci: Demokrasi parti dalaman, penginstitusian parti, penyatuan demokratik, Nigeria.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I hereby express my unmitigated gratitude to God Almighty for His unmerited favours and to my beloved country, the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the management of my institution, the Federal Polytechnic, Idah for the opportunity granted me to embark on a PhD programme in the Universiti Utara, Malaysia.
My unequivocal appreciation goes to my main supervisor, Dr Kamarul Zaman Bin Haji Yusoff for his thoroughness and constructive tutelage, accessibility, understanding, magnanimity, empathy and simplicity. I also recognize the incisive guide of my co- supervisor, Dr Sivaperegasam P. Rajanthiran in the course of this study. My sincere thanks to my prolific and versatile internal reviewer Associate Professor Mohammed Ainuddin Iskandar Lee and my external examiner, Associate Professor RosmadiFauzi of University of Malaya for their critical but objective observation and inputs. I would not forget the research skills imbibed from the proficient teachings of Associate Professor Mohammed Syafi and Professor Mohammed Halib who groomed me in Academic Writing and Research Methodology respectively. These courses and the expertise with which they were handled marked a watershed in my research experience.
My kind regards to the Management and Staff of COLGIS and SOIS for their professionalism, industry and humility. Also worthy of acknowledgement are my great friends Dr Sunday Simon, Dr Abdulkadir Jaffar, Dr Sakariyau Tunde Rauf, Dr Abubakar Mohammed Sambo, Dr SulaimanSiddiqu, Dr Hatim Mohammmed, Dr Vicky, Dr Siva, Mr Budin of U-Assist, Mrs Nor Fatimah, Alhaji Idris Ismail, Dr Hadi of the Universiti Clinic, Dr Success Ojogbane Sani (who came from University of Putra to witness my Viva), and numerous others who made my stay worthwhile. I commend the management and staff of Universiti Utara, Malaysia for the conducive environment created for effective learning and peaceful coexistence that made me felt at home. This is classic and legendary.
I acknowledge my colleagues in Nigeria whose objective and subjective, positive and negative views and comments about the validity of my academic claims spurred me to put greater efforts and accomplishments to their possible consternation and/or acknowledgement of the reality that what matters in academics is "brain and not brawn".
I also appreciate the productive interactions with my course mates such as Dr Takkydeen, Dr Ganiyat, Dr Guna, Dr Tasiu Magaji among others.
I appreciate the efforts of my intimate and genuine friends who provided me with emotional succour while in the jungle of Sintok through phone calls, chats, and who offered valuable advice, motivation and financial interventions.
My deep seated encomiums go to my wife, children and loved ones for their patience, and sacrifice throughout the duration of my programme. Glory, honour and adoration to God Almighty for this historic intellectual blessing. I believe it shall not be in vain.
TABLE OF CONTENT
1.1 Background of the Study ... 1
1.2 Problem Statement ... 6
1.4 Objectives Of The Study ... 9
1.5 Significance of The Study ... 9
1.6 Scope of the Study ... 10
1.7 Limitation of the Study ... 11
1.8 Research Methodology ... 13
1.9 Research Design ... 13
1.10 Data Collection ... 14
1.10.1 Population Sampling ... 14
1.10.2 Data Analysis ... 15
1.10.3 Operational Definitions ... 16
1.10.4 Organization of the Study ... 17
2.0 Introduction ... 19
2.1 Political Parties:... 19
2.1.2 The Link Between Political Parties And Democracy ... 22
2.1.3 Role of Political Parties in a Democratic Society ... 23
2.2 Internal Party Democracy... 28
2.2.1 Essence of Internal Party Democracy in Political Parties ... 31
2.2.3 Criticisms Against Internal Party Democracy ... 46
2.2.4 Candidate Selection as an Albatross in The Enforcement of Internal Party PERMISSION TO USE ... i
ABSTRACT ... ii
ABSTRAK ... iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ... iv
TABLE OF CONTENT ... v
LIST OF TABLES ... ix
CHAPTER ONE : INTRODUCTION ... 1
CHAPTER TWO : LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ... 19
2.2.5 The Political Repercussions of Candidate Selection ... 56
2.3 Party Institutionalization: an indispensable prerequisite for democratic consolidation. ... 63
2.4 Democratic Consolidation. ... 75
2.5 Theoretical Framework ... 85
2.5.1 Democracy Theory ... 85
2.5.2 Party Institutionalization Theories of Party Organization ... 87
2.5.3 Conclusion ... 94
3.0 Introduction... 96
3.1 First Republic Political Parties ... 97
3.1.1 Nigerian Youth Movement... 98
3.1.2 The National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroon (NCNC) ... 99
3.1.3 The Action Group (AG) ... 100
3.1.4 The Northern People's Congress (NPC) ... 101
3.2 Second Republic Political Parties. ... 105
3.2.1 The State of Political Parties in 1983 ... 112
3.3 Political Parties in the Aborted Third Republic (Transition Without End) ... 115
3.4 Fourth Republic Political Parties ... 122
3.4.1 Formation of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). ... 122
3.4.2 The Formation of the All Progressives Congress (APC). ... 130
3.5 Aims and Objectives of the APC ... 131
3.6 Institutional Designs for Political Parties in Nigeria ... 133
3.6.1 Party Laws and Internal Party Democracy ... 137
3.6.2 Party Laws in Nigeria Prior to 1999... 139
3.6.3 Party laws in the Fourth Republic. ... 142
3.6.4 The Nigerian 1999 Constitution and Party Politics in the Fourth Republic. ... 143
3.6.5 The Electoral Act and Operations of Political Parties in Nigeria, 1999-2015 ... 145
3.6.6 National Assembly and Party Laws ... 148
CHAPTER THREE : NIGERIAN POLITICAL PARTIES: A HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT ... 96
3.6.8 Party Constitutions and other Rules and Regulations of Internal
Organization. ... 151
3.7 The Constitution of the People's Democratic Party and IPD. ... 152
3.7.1 The All Progresses Congress (APC) and IPD (Article 20) ... 154
3.8 Conclusion ... 157
4.0 Introduction... 159
4.1 The State of Internal Party Democracy in Nigerian Political Parties. ... 160
4.2. Primary Elections and Internal Party Intrigues in Nigeria's Fourth Republic. .... 170
4.3 Nigerian Political Parties and Candidate Nomination. ... 177
4.4 Conclusion ... 183
5.0 Introduction... 184
5.1 Significance of Institutionalized Parties in a Democracy. ... 184
5.2 Institutionalized Parties and Democratic Consolidation: Establishing the Nexus ... 186
5.3 Consequences of the Level of Internal Party Democracy on Party Institutionalization in Nigeria's Fourth Republic ... 190
5.3.1 Paucity of Ideology ... 190
5.3.2 Defection ... 196
5.3.3 Godfatherism ... 200
5.3.4 Political Violence ... 202
5.3.5 Consensus Candidacy and Abuse of Incumbency... 203
5.3.6 Zoning ... 205
5.4 Conclusion ... 206
CHAPTER : FOUR LEVEL OF INTERNAL PARTY DEMOCRACYIN NIGERIAN POLTICAL PARTIES ... 159
CHAPTER FIVE : THE EFFECTS OF THE LEVEL OF INTERNAL PARTY DEMOCRACY ON PARTY INSTITUTIONALIZATION IN NIGERIA'S FOURTH REPUBLIC ... 184
6.0 Introduction... 207
6.1 Democratization and Party System Development ... 207
6.2.2 Lack of Unity and Focus ... 210
6.2.3 Involvement in Electoral Malpractices ... 211
6.2.4 Abysmal lack of Internal Party Democracy ... 212
6.2.5 Inter-Governmental Disharmony ... 213
6.2.6 Political Violence ... 213
6.2.7 Lack of Ideological Foundation ... 214
6.2.8 Indiscipline ... 216
6.2.9 Elite Factionalization... 217
6.3 Conclusion ... 219
CHAPTER SIX IMPLICATION OF THE LEVEL OF INTERNAL PARTY DEMOCRACY AND PARTY INSTITUTIONALIZATION ON DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN NIGERIA'S FOURTH REPUBLIC ... 207
CHAPTER : SEVEN SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ... 220
BIBLIOGRAPHY ... 236
LIST OF TABLES Table 1 - Presidential Elections Results 1999-2011.
Table 2 - National Assembly Election Results 1999-2015.
Table 3 - Presidential Election Results 1999-2015
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AD Alliance for Democracy ADR Alternative Dispute Resolution
AG Action Congress
ANC All Nigeria Congress ANPP All Nigeria Peoples Party APC All Progressives Congress APGA All Progressives Grand Alliance APP All Peoples Party
CDC Constitution Drafting Committee
CDCC Constitution Debate Coordinating Committee CDS Centre for Democratic Studies
CNC Congress of Nigerian Citizens CPC Congress for Progressive Change DPN Democratic Party of Nigeria
EFCC Economic and Financial Crimes Commission GNPP Great Nigeria Peoples Party
ICT Information and Communication Technology IGR Inter-Governmental Relations
INEC Independent National Electoral Commission ING Interim National Government
IPD Internal Party Democracy KANU Kenya Africa National Union
LP Labour Party
NA National Assembly
NCNC National Council of Nigerian Citizens NCPN National Conscience Party of Nigeria NDI National Democratic Institute
NEC National Electoral Election NEC National Executive Committee NEC National Electoral Commission
NECON National Electoral Commission of Nigeria
NEPU Northern Elements Progressive Union NNC Nigeria National Congress
NNDP Nigerian National Democratic Party NPC Northern Peoples' Congress
NPN National Party of Nigeria NPP New Patriotic Party NPP Nigeria Peoples Party
NRC National Republican Convention NYM Nigerian Youth Movement PDM Peoples' Democratic Movement PDP Peoples Democratic Party PFC Peoples' Consultative Forum PFN Peoples Front of Nigeria PNP Peoples' National Party PPA Progressive Peoples' Alliance PRP Peoples Redemption Party PSP Peoples Solidarity Party RPN Republic Party of Nigeria SDP Social Democratic Party SLPP Sierra Leone Peoples Party SPP Social Progressive Party TMG Transition Monitoring Group UNCP United Nigeria Congress Party UPGA United Progressives Grand Alliance UPN Unity Party of Nigeria
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background of the Study
The origin of political parties in Nigeria could be traced to the colonial epoch (Dode, 2010). The eventual stiff opposition to it by the country's nationalist movements metamorphosed into political associations in order to contest elections into the legislative council as Nigeria progressed towards independence. The first political party that was formed in Nigeria was the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) with Herbert Macaulay as the founding father. Established in 1923, the motive of the founding father was to ensure that the party keyed into the advantages offered by the new Clifford Constitution; the NNDP successfully mobilised the various interest groups in Lagos into one political entity to enhance its political strength (The Tide, 2010).
The NNDP competed for many seats in the 1922 elections into the Lagos Legislative Council and won three seats. In the subsequent elections which were conducted in 1923, 1928 and 1933, the party won all the seats. Even though the party's major role was to fill the legislative seats, it had the overall objective of promoting the growth of democratic governance in Nigeria, ensuring greater participation in the realms of social, economic as well as educational advancement of the country. The political dominance of the NNDP in Lagos continued until 1938 when it was completely defeated by the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) (Meredith, 2005).
The early political parties activated the mode of party politics in Nigeria and different political parties proliferated in the First, Second, the aborted Third and the Fourth Republic (Ekeh et al, 1989). Details of these political developments shall be discussed in the subsequent sections and, as such, need not be over-stressed here.
Political parties play crucial functions in a democracy (Hofmeister & Grabow, 2011).
As a result of the differences in terms of how they emerge, their organization, social base, ideology, among others, arriving at a definite definition of political parties is a herculean task (Smith, 1996). However, there is relative consensus on what constitutes parties and the significant roles they play in a democratic set up (Matlosa, 2007; Ojo, 2008). In other words, there is a consensus in the existing literature on democratization that parties undertake important roles in democratization. Since they are the link between the people and government, their role is particularly essential in the evolving democracies after the Third Wave (Bratton & de Walle, 1997; Lindberg, 2007).
Political parties exist in tasking environment in Africa due to their social and economic challenges and the multi-ethnic composition of the countries on the continent.
Consequently, they are perceived to be lacking in ideological coherence, highly propelled by personalities and depend largely on ethnic support and are poorly institutionalized (Carothers, 2006). The relatively recent trend that tilt towards the proliferation of the dominant party system further aggravates doubt concerning the capacity of African political parties to make fundamental contributions to democratic consolidation (Bogaards, 2004).
A political party is a group which struggles to gain political control of the government (Hofmeister & Grabow, 2011). Political parties are organisations that serve to allow their leaders to win and/or retain political office and power according to the rules and procedures of the society in which they operate (Hislope&Mughan, 2012). A political party also refers to as a group of persons organised with the motive of winning election and be in control of government (Thakur, 1995; Salih &Nordlund, 2007; Abeje, 2013).
The functions of political parties are essential to the realization of true democracy (Ibeanu, 2013). Some of the key tasks that political parties are expected to play in a democracy are: to solicit and make comprehensive salient public policy and public needs as well as problems recognized by members and supporters, enlightening electorates and citizens on the workings of the political and electoral process and engender general political norms, moderate contradictory demands and change them into public policies, encourage and organize citizens into taking part in political resolution and convert their beliefs into feasible policy alternatives, directing public views from governed to the government, to recruit and train candidates preparatory for public engagements, among others (Disraeli, 2009).
Nigerian political parties have been bedevilled by many challenges as a result of their level of internal democracy, thus undermining their expected roles in consolidating its fledgling democracy (Alfa et al, 2017). This is more so given the fact the state of internal party democracy in the Fourth Republic parties has a direct link with party institutionalization and democratic consolidation (Omotola, 2009). In Nigeria, a widespread quest for the observance of the doctrines of internal party democracy exists among the officially registered political parties, especially as it relates to the ways
primary elections are conducted (Okhaide, 2012). The failure of the political parties to ensure equity in the election of those to represent them often results in electoral malpractices during elections (Ojukwu &Olaifa, 2011, Alfa et al, 2017). There is abundance of evidence that many Nigerians are of the view that internal party democracy enhances the integrity of elections and improve the worth of leadership, political stability, legitimacy and economic progress (Momoh, 2010, Omolusi, 2013).
It has been seen of late that political parties in Nigeria rarely adopt a transparent process that enables party members topartake in the decision making and at the same time provide them unrestrained opportunity to contest in elections that would have afforded them the opportunity to be elected as their party's candidates (Mbah, 2011).
Since 1999, Nigeria has experienced bitter and rancorous struggles within the parties and violent internal party relations (Tenuche, 2011; Adesote& Abimbola, 2014; Yusuf, 2015).
Internal party conflicts are caused mainly by the avarice of the political elites for political power which creates the access to primitive capital accumulation (Omoweh, 2012). This ugly practice in the way and manner political parties operate undermine democratic consolidation. This is the antithesis of the critical roles political parties are expected to play in the democratic process. The powerful individuals in the parties always control their internal operations (Adejumobi, 2007). As a matter of fact, since 1999, Nigeria has witnessed growing and disturbing undemocratic conduct of political parties. These include the application of undemocratic methods in nominating party flag bearers during primary elections (IDEA, 2006, Omilusi, 2013).
The 1999 Constitution has explicit provisions on how political parties should be regulated (Section 222-229). The constitution provides a number of provisions relating to political parties. In the Third Schedule Sections 14 and 15, it also addresses the functions of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, the electoral umpire with regards to how political parties are to be regulated. Section 223(1a) of the constitution specifically provides for adherence to the tenets of internal party democracy by political parties and declares that the constitution and rules of the political party shall ensure the conduct of periodic election on a democratic basis of the principal officers and members of the executive committee or other governing body of the political party.
The lack of internal democracy in the nomination of party candidates for election weakens party unity and institutionalization, and negatively affects party cohesiveness and democratic consolidation in Nigeria. It leads to fragmentation of parties and anti- party activities. It also opens up litigation struggles beclouding the electoral process.
It reduces the commitment of party stalwarts and those of their supporters which negatively affects party cohesion, stability and performance. In other words, the absence of internal party democracy in Nigerian political parties has led to internal party disputes, war of attrition, reproach, acrimony, coordination dilemma, cross- carpeting among others (Yusuf, 2015).
Some of the fundamental problems that militate against credible election and democratic consolidation in Nigeria are lack of an informed electorate due to high level of illiteracy, ignorance and inadequate political education, abuse of power of incumbency, intimidation and harassment of opposition candidates and their
supporters especially during campaigns, lack of internal democracy in political parties and lack of ideological and institutionalized parties (Collier & Vincente, 2014;
Omotola, 2009).
The literature is replete with the assertion that Nigeria's Fourth Republic political parties suffer from abysmal lack of internal party democracy (Ojukwu &Olaifa, 2011, Okhaide, 2012, Okechukwu, 2014, Yusuf, 2015, Alfa et al, 2017). What is not specifically covered is that the current state of internal party democracy prevents the parties from being institutionalized and when the parties in any society are not institutionalized, they cannot contribute meaningfully to democratic consolidation (Alfa et al, 2017).
1.2 Problem Statement
In Nigeria's contemporary politics, political parties which ought to play critical roles in democratic consolidation are in themselves undemocratic (Simbine, 2004). The dismal performance of the political parties was aptly captured by Uwais's committee on election reform as cited by Ibeanu (2013:5) as follows:
one of the most crucial and yet least developed democratic institutions is the political party system. There are currently 50 (which rose to over 63 but now scaled down to 25 in 2013) registered political parties in the country, most of which are an assemblage of people who share the same level of determination to use the party's platform to get power. As such, it is difficult to identify programmes or ideologies. The structure of the political parties is such that internal democracy is virtually absent. The political parties are weak and unable to effectively carry out political education and discipline.
Describing the character of political parties in Nigeria in the period under review, Jibrin (2016), asserts that the Nigerian phenomenon is characterised by politics of godfatherism. It is actually an aberration to talk of party members in Nigeria.
Membership cards are given to barons and godfathers who keep them until the need to use them arises, usually for party conventions. Nigeria's Fourth Republic political parties fail to observe internal party democracy in their operations in order to facilitate their institutionalization and democratic consolidation (Omotola, 2009). The formation of political parties in Nigeria is largely within the political jurisdiction of the affluent. The operations of political parties are capital intensive and only the rich can afford it while the masses are meant to enhance the numerical strength of the party (Adejumobi, 2007).
Despite the growing interest in Nigeria's democratic project especially on elections, political parties and democratic consolidation, intra-party democracy, candidate selection, defection, etc, the issue of the effect of internal party democracy on party institutionalization and its implication for democratic consolidation in Nigeria has not been adequately addressed. In spite of the existence of studies on internal democracy in Nigerian political parties, they are not exhaustive having neglected the impact it has on party institutionalization in Nigeria's Fourth Republic and the concomitant quest for democratic consolidation.
The study is informed by the need to entrench and enforce internal party democracy in Nigerian Fourth Republic political parties in order to ensure party institutionalization and democratic consolidation. The level of internal party democracy in Nigerian political parties is a threat to the consolidation of the country's democratic
consolidation. Nigeria's political parties are characterised by centralised style of leadership and as such the National Executive Committee (NEC) and some individuals dominate decision making to the exclusion of the other members of the party and the lower echelon of the party structures. These tendencies truncate debate on important issues and policies. Thus, bad decisions by the leadership can hardly be checked within the party before they become public policies. Since the lower echelon and the rest members are circumscribed from having the opportunity to influence public policies, the government, more often than not, becomes insensitive to the needs and plight of the people. Consequently, internal party democracy in Nigerian Fourth Republic political parties is an essential condition for the consolidation of Nigeria's democracy.
This study, therefore, sets out to address the gap by examining the aforementioned connection between internal party democracy, party institutionalization and implication for democratic consolidation in Nigeria's Fourth Republic.
1.3 Research Questions
The study is driven by the following research questions:
1. What is the state of internal party democracy in Nigeria's Fourth Republic political parties?
2. How does the level of internal party democracy in Nigeria's Fourth Republic political parties affect party institutionalization?
3. What are the effects of the level of internal party democracy and party institutionalization on democratic consolidation in Nigeria's Fourth Republic?
1.4 Objectives of the Study
The overall objective of this study is to establish the connection between internal party democracy, party institutionalization and democratic consolidation in Nigeria's Fourth Republic. In specific terms, the objectives are to:
1. Determine the state of internal party democracy in Nigeria's Fourth Republic political parties.
2. Ascertain how the level of internal party democracy in Nigeria's Fourth Republic political parties affects party institutionalization.
3. Find out the implication of the level of internal democracy and party institutionalization on democratic consolidation in Nigeria's Fourth Republic.
1.5 Significance of the Study
Political parties are essential institutions in every democratic society. However, for political parties to be able to play their roles effectively, they must be internally democratic and institutionalized. Existing studies have focused mainly on areas such as primary elections, cross carpeting, and political violence etc (Tenuche, 2011, Ojukwu &Olaifa, 2011; Okechukwu2014; Akubo& Yakubu, 2014; Awofeso and Irabor, 2016; Katsina, 2016).
However, the remarkable innovation in this study which is the gap it exlores is that it asserts that the factors that negate the ability of Nigeria's political parties to perform their democratic roles do not only depend on their level of internal party democracy but also on their level of institutionalization.
Institutionalization implies the degree to which internal decisions and processes are formalised and the rate at which the collaborative structures of the party are present in its target constituencies. Studying the level of internal democracy is expedient because internally democratic parties are usually institutionalized in the sense that the rules that govern participation are required in order to determine those eligible to take part in elections and the modalities ascertaining the winners in respective elections (Matlosa, 2004, Mersel, 2007, Mimpen, 2007). Nigerian Fourth Republic political parties need to be institutionalized in order to ensure stability and legitimation and be repositioned to be able perform their roles in democratic consolidation.
This study is also significant on the grounds that, among other things, it will make a fundamental contribution to the body of existing knowledge on the level of internal party democracy in Nigerian political parties, factors responsible for the level of internal democracy, its effects on Nigeria's democracy as well as ways of ensuring that political parties embrace the principles and practices of internal democracy and become institutionalized in order to be able to perform active roles in democratic consolidation in the Fourth Republic.
1.6 Scope of the Study
The scope of this study is internal party democracy and how it affects party institutionalization in Nigeria's Fourth Republic political parties (1999-2015) as well as its implication for democratic consolidation. This scope is chosen because Nigeria was ushered into a democratic system in 1999 after a convoluted transition programme. Moreover, the last general elections in Nigeria prior to this study took place in 2015. Civilians ruled at independence in 1960, but since the first military
coups in 1966, the country spent most of the period 1966–1999 under military rule. In 1998, following the death of Abacha, his successor Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar oversaw a transition to a civilian, multiparty system. The transition was completed in 1999, when a new constitution came into effect and President Obasanjo assumed office (Thurston, 2015).
There is immense concern that within the period chosen, political parties tended to have contributed more to democratic deficit rather than consolidation as a result of their state of internal party democracy and level of institutionalization. Specifically, it looks at the extent of internal party democracy in two selected political parties in Nigeria, the People’s Democratic Parties (PDP), and the All Progressives Congress (APC), the effects of that level on party system institutionalization and the impact of this on democratic consolidation in Nigeria's Fourth Republic.
The choice of these parties is due to the fact that they are the leading parties in Nigeria's contemporary era not because of the level of their institutionalisation, but because they have contested and won elections at various levels of government within the period under study. This, however, is not to suggest that they could be described as institutionalised parties (Tenuche, 2011).
1.7 Limitation of the Study
This study was limited by a few factors. The first and foremost is that while abundant literature exist on internal party democracy in Nigeria's Fourth Republic political parties, not much have been written on how the phenomenon affects party institutionalization. The study, therefore, depended largely on the received literature
on party institutionalization from other political settings and adopted them in addition to the limited existing ones by scholars of African and Nigerian extraction. Some of the interviewees were not familiar with the concept of party institutionalization and the researcher had to enhance their understanding to enable them respond appropriately. This is perhaps as a result of the dearth of detailed research on the subject prior to this study.
More so, some of the persons earmarked for interview and who gave their consent before the researcher arrived Nigeria for data collection became cynical about the researchers motive and mission despite the official letter of introduction from the researcher's institution stating explicitly that it is strictly for research purpose. As such, they declined phone calls and failed to honour appointments. In some cases, some officials in some relevant organizations were adamant to grant interviews and where they agreed, they merely allowed the researcher to jot their views stating it is against their ethics to allow their voices to be recorded. In some cases too, they allowed for short interaction with claims of busy schedules and did not allow for exhaustive discussion on the issues raised. This accounts for some scanty views and excerpts in the transcribed data.
Some top party officials, bureaucrats and even some academicians were not accessible.
Their assistants and personal aides were recalcitrant to slate appointments and literally barred the researcher from having access to their masters to seek their audience.
Nevertheless, the interviewees who were accessed were quite curious, enthusiastic and hospitable and as such gave profound time and attention to the researcher as they saw the study as topical and innovative.
1.8 Research Methodology
This section is composed of research design, method of data collection, population sampling and data analysis.
1.9 Research Design
The research design is qualitative. Qualitative research is a situated activity that locates the observer to the world. It comprises of a set of 'interpretive' material practices that make the world visible and then transform it. Furthermore, this tradition transforms the world into a variety of representation such as field notes, conversations, interviews, photographs, recordings and memos to the self (Denzin & Lincoln, 2003).
Qualitative research entails interpretive, naturalistic approach to the world (Schurink, (2008). The implication is that researches that employ the method study things in their natural settings, with the attempt to deduce or interpret events in terms of the implication that people bring to them.
To arrive at a consensus on what qualitative research entails is an enormous task, if at all realistic (Schurink, 2008). Qualitative research entails the utilization and collection of different empirical tools. These include case studies, personal experiences, introspection, life stories, artefacts, interviews etc, which explains regular and challenging moments and meanings in individual lives. Consequently, scholars who adopt qualitative method exhibit a broad interconnected interpretive practices and consensus efforts to have a better grasp of the subject under investigation. For them, each practice makes the world clear in a different manner. Hence, they employ a variety of interpretive practices in any study (Schurink, 2008).
In this particular study, a case study strategy was adopted. As such, two leading political parties in Nigeria's Fourth Republic, the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) were studied with a view to determine how their state of internal party democracy affects their degree of institutionalization and democratic consolidation.
1.10 Data Collection
Since the study is qualitative in nature, the data were gathered through materials that could not be or need not be counted, using non-statistical means of collating data. The materials entail meanings, concepts, definitions, characteristics, metaphors and description of things which cannot be adequately expressed by numbers (Berg,2007;
Creswell, 2009; Grey, 2009). Semi-structured interviews were conducted to constitute the primary data, Consequently, the members of the selected political parties, party officials, INEC officials and some academics were interviewed. Secondary data were obtained from textbooks, journal articles, newspapers, the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, party constitutions and other relevant documents.
1.10.1 Population Sampling
This implies the selection that would be made once the population from whom a group of respondents is contacted. The size and composition of the sample are linked to the aims and objectives of the study. Purposive sampling was adopted targeting certain groups including politicians, party bureaucrats, academicians and party members. The choice of these respondents is because of their active participation in the democratic process.
The selection of the respondents was informed by their active roles in party politics and elections prior to and in the Fourth Republic. As participant observers and stakeholders in the democratic project, their accounts drawn from their wealth of experience as manifested in their responses gave the study a great impetus. A yes or no response was not necessarily expected from them because the phenomenon is seen as a process that operates in a continuum. It was possible, as such, to ascertain an ontological linkage between variables such as party system institutionalisation, policy formulation, membership participation and candidate selection in such a way that they could be seen to be sufficient as separate entities but necessarily as collaborative means to achieve internal party democracy
There are ninety registered political parties in Nigeria (INEC, 2018). However, two major political parties, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) are chosen as case studies. They are the leading parties in electoral contests during the period under investigation so much so that power at the national level has alternated between them.
1.10.2 Data Analysis
The data collected were condensed and subjected to analysis. In other words, after the data were gathered, the next level was to sift and sort all materials so as to make sense from it, to oneself but more fundamentally to shape it in some coherent manner for public consumption. The analysis stage could be described as a portal through which the researcher pass so as to construct an argument and ensure it sticks as he presents his findings and draw conclusions concerning the inquiry.
There are many ways of analysing data and it is sometimes referred to as interpretation (Harding, 1987; Ulin, 1984; van Zoonen, 1994). In this study, however, the analysis was done using thematic approach from which relevant deductions were made and conclusions drawn.
1.10.3 Operational Definitions
Political parties: There are many definitions of political parties as will be seen in the subsequent sections. However, this study adopts the one postulated by the Nigerian Constitution of 1999. Accordingly, A political party comprises of associations whose activities involve soliciting for votes in favour of a candidate for election to the following offices: President and his Vice, Governor and his Deputy, membership of a legislature at the national, state and local government councils (Constitution of Nigeria, 1999, Chapter V, Part 111D-229).
Internal party democracy: This is the level and methods of including party members in the decision-making processes and deliberation within the party organization (Scarrow, 2005). This concept is anchored on laid down processes, fair play, equity and good conscience in the discharge of duties and obligations to the party, group and the entire society.
Democratic Consolidation is attained when no major groups want to overthrow the democratic rule, the people want to keep it (even in times of crisis), and democratic rules have been institutionalised. Democracy becomes consolidated when "social relation become social value, that is, patterns of interaction can become so regular in their occurrence, so endowed with meaning, so capable of motivating behaviour and
they become autonomous in their internal function and resistance to externally induced change (Schmitter, 1994). The emphasis of this perspective is on political culture as well as social values (Azeez, 2009).
1.10.4 Organization of the Study
Chapter one Comprises of the Introduction/ background of the study, problem statement, research questions, objectives of the study, literature review, significance of the study, scope of the study, research methodology and operational definitions.
Chapter two contains the theoretical framework of the study. Two theories are employed; these are Democracy Theory espoused by Joseph Schumpeter and Party Institutionalization and Theories of Party Organization by Denise Baer.
Chapter three comprises of the Historical background of Nigerian political parties and the various political parties from First Republic to the Fourth Republic and institutional guidelines for political parties.
Chapter four looked into the state of internal party democracy in Nigerian Fourth Republic political parties. As such, it gives insight into primary elections and intrigues in Nigeria in the Fourth Republic as well as political parties and candidate nomination as an albatross to party institutionalization.
Chapter five discussed the implication of the state of internal party democracy on party institutionalization and democratic consolidation in Nigeria. In doing this, the thesis gives a premise of the significance of institutionalized parties in a democracy, institutionalized parties and democratic consolidation as well as the consequences of the level of internal party democracy on party institutionalization in Nigeria's Fourth Republic.
Chapter six addressed the implication of the level of internal party democracy and party institutionalization on democratic consolidation in Nigeria's Fourth Republic. It delves into an insight into democratization and party system development, operations of the Fourth Republic political parties and democratic consolidation.
Chapter seven is composed of Summary, Recommendations and Conclusion.
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 2.0 Introduction
One of the qualities of any project or thesis is that it should enable one to demonstrate a critical and sufficient awareness of the relevant knowledge in that realm of study.
This makes a broad review of the literature imperative (Gray, 2009). Literature review makes it possible for one to ascertain whether studying the topic is a worthwhile venture and equally provides an insight into the manner the researcher can set the limit of his scope to a required sphere of inquiry (Creswell, 2009). Literature review helps the researcher to identify the research gap and frame the research problem. The thesis, therefore delves into a review of the relevant literature.
2.1 Political Parties:
Nigeria's journey to democratic governance has been tortuous and characterised by anti-colonial struggles, conflicts, coups and counter-coups and three year bitter civil war (Olatunji & Olalekan, 2017). In her quest for democratization, Nigeria has gone through many phases. These include the colonial era till self-rule, the advent of constitutional democracy (1960-1966), the return of the military authoritarianism (1966-1979), the restoration of democratic governance (1979-1983), the resurgence of military rules (1983-1999) and the enthronement of democratic rule since May 29 1999 ( Alfa, Yusoff, &Rajanthiran, 2017, Olatunji &Olaleken, 2017).
Political parties are the key actors of representative democracy (Hislope & Mughan, 2012; Thurston,2015). A party is a group of officials or would-be officials who are linked with a sizeable group of citizens in an organisation, a major goal of this organisation is to ensure that its officials acquire power or are maintained in power (Shively, 2001). As could be inferred from this definition, a political party is made up a wide range of actors that encompass officials who actually attain positions of authority and individuals who vote periodically for the party as well as those who finance electioneering campaign for party members. In other words, a political party is composed of people who hold office and those who sustain them in office. What distinguishes a political party from other associations is its quest to attain power and retain it for as long as is democratically feasible (Hofmeister & Grabow, 2011).
Political parties are organisations that serve to allow their leaders to win and/or retain political office and power according to the rules and procedures of the society in which they operate (Hislope&Mughan,2012). In democratic systems, power is a function of contesting and winning elections and the activities are geared towards the attainment of these goals. In the view of one renowned scholar, "(political) parties formulate policies" (Downs, 1957).
Likoti (2005) defined a political party as "as an organised group of people with similar political aims and opinions that seek to influence public policy by getting its candidates elected to public office". This implies that political parties are interested in contesting and winning elections in order to take charge of the reins of government. Burke (2008), sees a political party as "a body of men, united for promoting their joint endeavour, the national interest upon some particular principles in which they are all agreed".
These perspectives keep us abreast of the ideological resolution of political parties whose rationale is the promotion of national interest and realization of national objectives (Awofeso & Irabor, 2016).
Political parties are prevalent political organisations and can exist in various categories of regime globally. In addition, their universal existence implies that they vary in several important ways. Among these are those organised to contest competitive elections, while others might not have to contest elections, others participate in contest whose outcome could be pre-empted; Some parties are established around complex ideologies that transcend their leaders; Other parties are the creatures of the ruling individuals or group in the society (Gandhi, 2008).
A further distinguishing feature of political parties is that some are very articulated, permanent organisations that reach out to society to educate, inform and mobilise actual and prospective supporters, while others have little life or organisational reach beyond the group or individual at their top (Garner et al, 2012). The variety of parties above is not exhaustive, but it is pertinent to note that the distinctive hallmark of political parties is that they are power seeking organisations that accounts for their role as the essential connecting institution in the modern era. Parties both strive to be in control of government and to shape public acceptance of this control and in that process, they perform a critical role of shaping the character of the relationship between the rulers and the ruled. Political parties are commonly associated in the popular mind with democracy, but surprisingly, they are prevalent in the nondemocratic world as well (Gandhi, 2008).
2.1.2 The Link Between Political Parties and Democracy
It is pertinent to note that competitive multiparty politics does not simply imply the existence of several political parties in a given country (Abeje, 2013). There could be many political parties in a country without any meaningful competition because of the dominance of one political party. Party system refers to where there is competitive party politics as well as democratic competition. A party system is said to be real if it is characterized by the presence of two or more autonomous political parties that participate actively in the struggle for power with reasonable electoral outcome. A dominant party system is one in which there are many political parties, but one political party dominates the political scene and always control political power for a protracted length of time and the opposition can hardly neutralize that supremacy (Abeje, 2003).
Opposition political parties are partisan political institutions which are deliberately put in place to temper the excesses of the party in power while at the same time pursuing legislative as well as presidential offices. Democracy, therefore is said to be genuine when the ruling party is checked by effective opposition (Carothers, 2006). This provides viable alternatives to the ruling party, facilitate debates concerning policies and makes the government to be accountable. Strong opposition prevents the government from sliding into authoritarianism and mitigate abuse of power through incumbency (Bogaards, 2004, Garner et al, 2012, Hislope & Mughan, 2012, Alfa et al, 2017).
Efficient working political parties is an essential condition for democratic consolidation (Salih &Nordlund, 2007; Matlosa, 2007, Adejumobi, 2007). Their existence is therefore essential for the working of representative government
(Reilly,2008; Hicken,2008). Absence of effective political parties has the implication of reducing the art of politics to mere opportunism making it possible for overzealous politicians to undermine the task of nation building and negate democratic growth (Omotola, 2009). Impotent political parties could create more problems for democracy (Abeje, 2013; Matlosa, 2007).
In view of the above, the ability of political parties to contribute to democratic consolidation depends, to a large extent, on at least three basic qualities of party systems that have bearing on the functioning of democratic governance (Baer, 1993).
These are: the party system's level of institutionalization; their extent of fragmentation;
and the degree to which they are polarised (Mushi, 1995).
In line with the above perspective, Reilly (2008) came up with the factors that negate the ability of political parties to discharge their democratic responsibilities particularly in transitional democracies. These are: poor institutionalization and limited membership, shifting of support base and weak policy capacity; they are built around personal and other parochial sentiments such as ethnic affinities and as such lack national outlook; they are characteristically thin organizations that are only active during elections. More often than not, they lack a comprehensive ideology; they do not represent any clear policy agenda; they do not exhibit the required discipline to build effective synergy in the parliament (Abeje,2013).
2.1.3 Role of Political Parties in a Democratic Society
Democratic government is remote and may not be possible if divorced from competitive political parties. In other words, organized government, such as a
democratic system, cannot be divorced from a stable party system (Linz & Stepan, 2000). In the same vein, Alfa et al (2017) emphasized on the indispensability of political parties in a democratic system. The extant literature on political parties has never attempted to underrate the significance of political parties. There is widespread assumption that political parties are pivotal elements in democratic transition. After what O'Donnell &Schmitter (1997) described as the "heroic" role of political parties in the founding elections after the authoritarian regime , political parties still remain crucial for democratic consolidation.
Political parties are expected to carry out certain roles in a democracy. More specifically, some of these roles include, but not limited to the following:
Representation: In addition to the important role of political parties in organising elections, they perform the task of representation by articulating and aggregating the interests of their members and constituents or sections of the public ( Mainwaring &
Scully, 1995). This is expected to complement the roles of civil societies where they are well developed.
Conflict resolution: This is more pertinent in situations where democratic transition is characterised by tacit agreements. With this, the differences of the actors can be resolved to ensure that they build a synergy and work together (O'Donnell & Schmitter, 2000).
Ensuring Accountability: In advanced democracies, the leadership is made to account for their actions. This is to ensure they keep their promises to the electorates. In the event that they fail, the chances of the opposition being elected in the next election becomes apparent (Clapham, 1997).
Institutionalising democracy: Parties are pivotal to entrenchment of democratic norms and ideals. They enhance the quality of constitutional rules as they are vehicles of attitudinal and behavioural change and by implication deepen democratic consolidation (Mainwaring, 1998).
Enhancing legitimacy: Parties boost the legitimacy of governance by providing good will to the new democracies so that they do not collapse and revert to the hitherto authoritarian regime (Mainwaring, 1998).
The ability of political parties to perform the aforementioned roles depends on two variables. These are (1) the features of the party and the party system. As such, parties should have a national spread and build in a strong "coalition base", and not be confined to a specific section, district or constituency. The strength and institutionalization of parties and party system must be profoundly stressed. This involves the party's ability to spread its tentacles to the nooks and crannies of the political community. (2) The number of political parties, especially the strong ones is equally very imperative as fragmented parties would be a feeble source of opposition (Mainwaring, 1998). In this regard, Crotty (1993), avers that for political parties to make appreciable contribution to democratic consolidation, they must be autonomous of the state and the electoral process should be reasonable, fair and inclusive. The quality of the political system is determined by the character of parties and the depth of democracy (Walle & Butler, 1999).
In Africa, parties are the weakest institutions of democracy due to the fact that they are beset with weak organisational structure, poor degrees of institutionalisation and
weak connections to the society they ought to represent (Manga, 1991). Using the aforementioned ideal roles expected of political parties in a democratic society as analytical parameters, African political parties are not seen to live up to expectation (Randall & Svasand, 2001). They can hardly entrench accountability because they seldom provide policy alternatives and, in the event, that they do, it does not correlate with their actual conduct while in office. Their commitment to certain policy positions are inactive. As result of this, using policy alternatives as a leeway to garner electoral support through campaigns have proved ineffectual as people seem not to have confidence in these claims being translated to operational reality (Randall & Svasand, 2001).
A set of overlapping factors account for the weak state of African political parties.
Economic development is a critical factor. In societies with high level of economic development and improved standard of living, parties flourish more than in economically less developed societies. There is a link between economic development and educational standard and urbanisation and this affect political parties.
Urbanisation is a catalyst for effective communication of political parties (Gandhi, 2008).
In African democracies, political parties in power have greater access to transportation and communication than members of the opposition parties and this impinges on the prospects of opposition parties in their quest for national spread. More often than not, improved educational standards enhances the level of awareness as people who are least aware cannot make any reasonable input to political debate and this ultimately undermines the process of consolidation of democracy (Randall &Svasand, 2001).
Political parties are expected to activate the proliferation of civil societies and build a synergy with them (Gill, 2000). In this regard, parties are special brand of the civil society organisation. It is the view of several scholars that African societies do not have a convincing evidence of the existence of reasonable number of such organizations (Chabal & Daloz, 1999). In societies where civil societies are vibrant, they exhibit the tendency to unite and challenge insensitive government and possibly oust it. The successes of MMD in Zambia and MDC in Zimbwabwe are classical examples in this regard (Sithole, 2001). This assertion is not universal as the existence of a plethora of such civil societies in Mauritius did not necessarily invigorate political activities (Widner, 1997).
The prevalence of ethnicity and ethnic affinities in many African societies have been seen as a tenable explanation for why political parties are weak on the continent (Lawson, 1999). This has grossly negated the existence of viable civil society organisations that could provide a forum for alternative party recruitment (Lawson, 1999). The introduction of externally induced liberal democratic procedures has constrained parties to seek ethnic sympathy and this could whip up primordial sentiment and exacerbate divisions instead of enhancing national integration. In some cases, however, political parties could harmonise these countervailing forces and dissent feelings against the government (Walraven, 2000).
To ensure that political parties are strong, they have to harmonise their differences and present a common front (Randall & Svasand,2001). In Nigeria, when a core northerner and a southerner were fielded in the presidential election which took place on June 12, 1993, the southerner, Chief Abiola had a tremendous support from the north though
the election was eventually annulled by President Babangida who is northern stock (Clapham, 1997).
More often than not, African political parties are not offshoots of civil societies.
Rather, there are mostly formed by politicians whose motives are to use them as instruments of primitive accumulation. This is a monumental paradox as such democracy's searchlight is on the elites who themselves are "natural enemies" of democracy (Decalo, 1998). This is also corroborated by the scores of opposition elites who defect from their parties to serve in the ruling ones (Lewis, 1996, Linz & Stepan, 1997).
The politics of 'prebendalism' anchored on the patron-client relationship whereby the political masters enjoy support of their acolytes only for as long as the paraphernalia of power trickles to them is also a critical factor. As soon as these benefits cease or dwindles, the support automatically wanes (Joseph, 1987). This negatively affects the growth of political parties and party institutionalization in Africa. The structure of the state also determines the efficacy or otherwise of political parties in achieving their goals, and it is prescriptive to overhaul the structure of the state in order to reposition it (Randall & Svasand, 2001).
2.2 Internal Party Democracy
There is no consensus among scholars on what internal party democracy is and on what it is not. However, there is a consensus among many scholars on some basic ideals of the term such as electivity, transparency, accountability, participation, inclusivity and representation (Mimpen, 2007). Internal party democracy implies
parties must be formed bottom up and power should not be concentrated but dispersed to give every member and/supporter a sense of belonging (Cular,2004). It ensures support for the promotion of the interest of the party not only by its members, but also by the general public and the state. Such a democratic character could then be compared to those of other political parties (Okhaide, 2012).
A party is said to be internally democratic if its organizational structure is characterized by participation and inclusiveness which are catalysts of democratic consolidation (Okhaide, 2012). The first category entails the conduct of free, fair credible and regular elections to fill party official positions as well as those to be fielded as parties' candidates in the general elections. Secondly, it involves equal and open participation of all cadres of the party in the affairs of the party so much so that the interests of all and sundry are well represented.
Internal democracy is a broad concept that describes a variety of processes for the inclusion members in internal party deliberation and decision-making. It implies democracy within the party and the degree to which a party subscribes to and adhere to the basics and universally acclaimed democratic principles (Scarrow,2005).
According to Mimpen (2007), two essential instruments of internal party democracy abound; the first entails organising free, fair and periodic elections of internal party positions and candidates for representative offices. Secondly, there must be equal and open participation of all the members and groups in such a manner that would ensure that their interests are fairly represented (Scarrow, 2005).
In order to have a full grasp of what internal party democracy entails, set of factors must be considered. The most fundamental criteria is equal participation of all
members and groups in the internal activities of the party. All members must be carried along in the policies of the party and represented in the party activities and positions.
The decision making mechanisms of the must also be decentralized (Salih, 2006).
Another feature of internal party democracy is inclusiveness. This implies the broadness of the party's decision-making circle. In the view of Scarrow (2005), inclusiveness guarantees equal participation of all members of the party in taking important decisions like the choice of party leadership and nomination of candidates to fly the party's flags in general elections. Consequently, more inclusive parties would present the platform for open deliberation before the time for actual decision making processes (Hofmeister & Grabow, 2011).
The third hallmark is the degree of party institutionalisation. This implies the extent to which internal decisions and processes are formalised as well as the extent to which the party's collaborative structures pervade its target constituency. Internally democratic parties are characteristically institutionalised due to the fact that the rule of participation are required in order to ascertain those who are qualified to participate and how people can emerge as winners in the party's internal elections (Matlosa, 2004, Mersel, 2006, Mimpen, 2007).
A number of scholars have advanced some features of internal party democracy in the relationship between the party and the members on the one hand and that of the party structure and institutions on the other (Scarrow, 2005, Mimpen, 2007, Mbah, 2011).
These characteristics include: the capacity of the party members to elect the party leaders or dissolve the leadership and their ability to elect those to be nominated into
