View of REPRESENTATION OF PAPUAN IDENTITY IN THE REPORTING OF LOCAL NEWSPAPERS IN YOGYAKARTA

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International Journal of Social Science Research eISSN: 2710-6276 | Vol. 2, No. 3, September 2020

http://myjms.moe.gov.my/index.php/ijssr

REPRESENTATION OF PAPUAN IDENTITY IN THE REPORTING OF LOCAL NEWSPAPERS IN YOGYAKARTA

Maulana Andinata Dalimunthe^1*, Budi Irawanto²and Budiawan³

1 3 Media and Cultural Studies, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, INDONESIA

2 Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, INDONESIA

*Corresponding author: maulanaandinatad@gmail.com

Article Information:

Article history:

Received date : 10 June.2020 Revised date : 15 June.2020 Accepted date : 20 July 2020 Published date : 10 September 2020

To cite this document:

Dalimunthe, M.,Irawanto, B., &

Budiawan, B. (2020).

REPRESENTATION OF PAPUAN IDENTITY IN THE REPORTING OF LOCAL NEWSPAPERS IN

YOGYAKARTA . International Journal Of Social Science Research, 2(3), 34-44.

Abstract: Media has a crucial role in representing and constructing groups that have been stigmatized, as well as different treatment, as experienced by ethnic Papuan groups. The identity of Papua’s ethnic in Yogyakarta is very interesting to study, because Yogyakarta is one of the cities in Indonesia that is most visited by Papuans for various purposes, especially study. Until 2017, there have been around 25 Papuan student dormitories in Yogyakarta. These number is proof that many Papuans in Yogyakarta. This paper is aimed to examine how the representation of Papuan identity in reporting of local Yogyakarta newspaper by using Van Dijk method of Critical Discourse Analysis. The corpus of this research is the Kedaulatan Rakyat daily newspaper. This newspaper is the oldest newspaper in Indonesia after Indonesia's independence, and it has the highest circulation in Yogyakarta. In practice, the newspaper has not completely come out of the practice of stereotypes against the ethnic Papuans, in terms of quantity of reporting is still focused on the issue of crime.

Ethnic Papuans also still represented as a trouble and dangerous group. The representation process is carried out through various discursive formations, such as the use of languages and images as a symbol system. The Papuans also rarely present in representation space as a resource or subject when discussing about the Papua issue. They often represented by political elites or powerful people. Therefore, this newspaper tends to use an elite mindset when discussing about the Papua issue.

Keywords: Representation, Papuan Identity, Stereotype, Critical Discourse Analysis

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1. Introduction

Papua is generally defined in terms of physical characteristics, but basically, the formation of Papuan identity is constructed in several ways. First, Papuan identity is built through political glasses. Since Papua was integrated with “NKRI (Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia)” or The Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia through the Act of Free Choice in 1969, Papua legitimately entered into its social "contract" with Indonesia and naturally became part of Indonesia. Second, Papuan identity is built through a socio-cultural approach. Racially, Papuans are not of the same race as other ethnic groups in Indonesia, because Papuans belong to the Melanesian race. This socio-cultural identity has become an inherent stigma as a differentiator between Papuans and other Indonesians (Wardhani, 2016).

This construction of identity has implications for the stigmatization and stereotyping that Papuans are those who come from the island of Papua, Melanesian physical appearance, Christianity, backward lifestyle, and still question their existence in the Unitary State of Republic of Indonesia. This situation also make the Papuans ethnic tend to be underestimated, and often accept discriminatory behavior from other ethnical groups.

The stereotype of ethnic Papuans in practice is not a new phenomenon in Yogyakarta, and continues until this day. Many factors directly or indirectly cause this phenomenon, in between media representation. The media, especially film, is one of the agents that often marginalizes and reproduces stereotypes of Papuans, while how do mainstream media, such as print media (newspapers) through their coverage of constructing Papuans? One of the oldest local print media and still has a high circulation is the Kedaulatan Rakyat daily newspaper. Standing and developing in Yogyakarta, this newspaper is still the belle of the public to obtain information.

In addition, Kedaulatan Rakyat also spreads in various regions in Indonesia, such as West Java, East Java, Kalimantan, and Sumatera. This also makes Kedaulatan Rakyat one of the newspapers with a large circulation, which is up to 99,831 copies every day, and D.I Yogyakarta is the province with the largest circulation, which is 87,377 copies (Khair, 2017).

When compared with circulation of other local newspapers in Yogyakarta, Kedaulatan Rakyat is still in the top position. Harian Jogja daily newspaper, which was established in 2008, has a circulation of 45,000 copies (Supadiyanto, 2014), while Tribun Jogja daily newspaper has 65,000 copies every day with news content that has a lifestyle concept (Khair, 2017). This amount is proof that Kedaulatan Rakyat is the most widely consumed local newspaper by Yogyakarta residents, compared to other local newspapers, such as Harian Jogja and Tribun Jogja. This data also shows that the print media is still a major concern for the people of Yogyakarta to obtaining information about everything in Indonesia, especially in Yogyakarta.

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Having high level of circulation, and has long stood as the oldest local media in Yogyakarta, how does KR represent the contemporary phenomena that take place in Yogyakarta? (Sanjaya (2016) through his research stated that local media tend to have certain sides in a case, and the local people that they serve are not the parties that they always defend. In the issue of hotel construction in Yogyakarta, for example, Kedaulatan Rakyat daily newspaper tends to favor hospitality investors. This can be seen through the structure of the text that they display. In a political context, Kedaulatan Rakyat also tends to side and support one of the candidate in the regional head election. It can be seen through the tendency of Kedaulatan Rakyat news which leads public opinion to choose number 2 (Ida-Munir) during the election in the Bantul Regency head election in 2015 (Khulasoh, 2016). Kedaulatan Rakyat news that tend to defend certain parties can also be seen through the findings of Andreas (2016), he revealed that Kedaulatan Rakyat tends to defend the KOPASSUS (Indonesian Army (TNI-AD) special forces) action and does not agree with KOMNAS HAM (The National Commission on Human Rights) Indonesia, related to the case of assault in the Cebongan penitentiary on March 23, 2013.

The concept of representation not only producing or displaying something back to the audience, but also the concept of representation presents a specific purpose to the public or audience.

Media as an information agent (knowledge) has a meaning that constructs something, in this case, the Papuan identity. The dynamics of the construction of Papua's identity as the other is a political process of representation carried out by the media. Therefore, through this paper, the author wants to analyze the representation of Papuan identity in the frame of local media coverage (Kedaulatan Rakyat daily newspaper) in Yogyakarta.

2. Literature Review

Previous studies that put Papuan ethnic groups as the subject have been carried out. The research was conducted with a variety of focus, such as observing their relationships and adaptation in new cultural environment, and how the media represented ethnic Papuans. In this literature review researchers focus on discussing previous studies that have explored ethnic Papuan groups, especially their representation in the media. Research related to the construction of media on the discourse of ethnic Papuan groups has been conducted by Nindias Nur Khalika (2017) and Andriyani (2016). Both of these studies have the same goal, namely how newspapers construct Papuan ethnic groups. The difference lies on if Khalika (2017) focuses on journalistic photographs in Kompas newspaper, Andriyani (2016) sees the construction of dialogue between Jakarta (Government) and Papua in online media, through the whole news report, including text and photos.

There are some interesting things to see in the research of Khalika (2017) and Andriyani (2016).

First, From the research findings of Khalika (2017) by comparing journalistic photographs in

“Selangkah online” (local media) that published in the pre and post-reformation period, there are striking differences in the issues of politics, health, and education. Khalika focuses on the analysis of photos, and tends to ignore the text as a whole that constructed by the media, because Khalika only makes the photo as primary data analyzed and the text that blends into the photo as secondary data and just limited to the photo headlines and captions. This seems to be problematic because as expressed by Van Dijk (1993), that detailed analysis of media reporting related to ethnic affairs must also focus on the various microstructure of news reports. At this level, we must examine the meaning of words and sentences, like relationship between sentences (propositions), and the formulation of meanings and rhetoric. This analysis is called local semantic analysis, which focuses on the meaning as well as the relationship between propositions that expressed in discourse.

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Second, Khalika's finding ignores aspects of the media (journalists/photographers) as agents that produce photos and texts. If you want to see how the discourse that construct by the media, it should also refer to the entire discourse production process, like social context. As Van Dijk (2015) revealed, if analyzing critical discourse, we must need to pay attention to social cognition and social context, to see how a text is interpreted

Third, Andriyani's (2016) finding not only focused on photos in analyzing media construction on issues that related to ethnic Papuans, but also uses texts as the unit of analysis, such as titles, word usage, and news sources. However, it has not yet seen whether the text has contributed to reproducing racist practices, discrimination, and stereotypes that are often directed to ethnic Papuan groups. Andriyani's research only looked the position of the Selangkah Online magazine in preaching the Papua-Jakarta dialogue. It can be seen through the conclusion of this research which states the Selangkah online magazine has tried to be neutral in reporting the Papua-Jakarta dialogue, by carrying out a "counter-attack" on national media reports about Papua. If national media is more focused on Papua as a region that often experience local conflicts, this local media is trying to frame Papua as a victim of the conflict itself. From this finding, it is clear that Andriyani has not seen how the text of the news is interpreted and understood about racist practices, discrimination, and stereotypes. This is because the purpose of this research is to look more at the position of the media in reporting the issue of the Papua- Jakarta dialogue.

Fourth, Andriyani's (2016) does not see how the representation space is given to Papuans when the news content of the media talking about the ethnic Papua itself as a news object. Andriyani's has not seen this, because she’s research focus on how photos about Papuan displayed in the media. Representation of space very important considering the presence of Papuans as a news sources are very rare in the media. When talking about Papuans, the media tends to ask for responses from political elites or people who have power, rather than presenting Papuans directly.

From the description of these studies, I am not found studies that specifically examine discrimination and stereotypes against ethnic Papuans has been construct. These studies also have not yet seen how the representation space given to Papuan, when the news coverage about them. Therefore, this study will look at how the Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper represents Papuan ethnic groups in Yogyakarta. This research will be examined using the Van Dijk's Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach.

In analyzing the problems in this study, the approach that will be used is constructionist. This approach is used to see what meaning that behind in representation of ethnic Papuan identity in Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper. Hall explained that there are three approaches to representation (2013: 10-11). First, a reflective approach, which sees the meaning of human objects, ideas, or events that exist in the real world. In this approach, language is useful as a mirror to reflect the real meaning contained in people's lives. Second, the intentional approach, which sees that the meaning of an object comes from the writer or the maker. In this case, the author plays an important role in determining meaning through language that refers to rules, codes, and agreements that exist in a culture. Third, the constructionist approach. This approach is used to represent certain concepts in society. Readers as the audience can determine their meaning based on their culture and media representation system, which is used to communicate with culture.

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3. Method

This type of research is interpretive qualitative. This study was to identify, describe, understand, and interpret the data obtained, in this case the media text (Schatzman, in Creswell, 2010). The corpus of this research was the news texts of the Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper which discuss ethnic Papuan issues. The news texts that become the data in this study were not limited to one issue, but were viewed through a variety of issues in which it touches on the Papuans, economic, political, social, and cultural. This study uses the method of Teun A van Dijk's (2015) Critical Discourse Analysis method, to see how the Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper constructs ethnic Papuans in every public reporting. This method also helps to see how far Kedaulatan Rakyat gives Papuans the space to represent themselves.

Diagram 1: Van Dijk CDA model (Dijk, 2015)

Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is a research method that specifically studies how the abuse of social power and inequality is practiced, reproduced, legitimized, or opposed by texts that speak in social and political contexts. In CDA the use of language or text is a micro level.

Meanwhile, the macro level not only looks at how a news or text was reported and presented, but also how social cognition or mental models of the social structure of society. This macro level is usually also referred to as "group minds". Group minds are a mental model of society in understanding and interpreting an issue. In addition to examining texts produced by the media, mental models are no less important aspects to be seen, because this is a subjective representation of an event that has a referential nature. Therefore, CDA for Van Dijk is not only seen at the level of the text, but also how mental or sociocognitive models of existing social structures (Dijk, 2015).

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3.1 Data Collection and Presentation Methods

The collection and presentation of data in this study was carried out through (1) Documenting reports relating to ethnic Papuan groups in the Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper. (2) Classifying news about Papua in several sections. (3) Conducting interviews to see social cognition and social attitudes about Papuan discourse (4) Collaborating on data that has been obtained to be identified and analyzed based on research tools and observation units. (5) Making conclusions about the data that has been analyzed.

3.2 Data Analysis Methods

All data that has been collected will be analyzed using the Critical Discourse Analysis Method, assisted by the theory used in this study. Critical discourse analysis methods were used to see the construction of coverage in the Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper on discourses on ethnic Papuan ethnic groups. Through this method can also be elaborated how the discursive formation of text (symbolic elites) and existing social cognition.

4. Results and Discussion

In reporting ethnic Papuans, Kedaulatan Rakyat still shows some news that relates to education issues. However, in terms of quantity, it is still not comparable when compared to the issues of crime, conflict, and riots. This seems appropriate with stereotypes of Papuans who are often labeled with groups that like violence and associated with conflict issues. In general, the news that relates to Papua in the Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper consists of several issues, First, the case of death chairman of the presidium dewan Papua (PDP), Theys Eluay. Second, the Papuan dormitory persecution incident in Yogyakarta, Third, criminal issues, such as murder. Fourth, cases of riots that occurred in Papua in August 2019, and Fifth, education.

The five issues are the macrostructure of a discourse, which indirectly represents that the Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper, in this case, has not been able to get out from the shadow of stereotype that has been given to ethnic Papuan groups. Kedaulatan Rakyat in this matter is still trapped in the flow of the stereotype, because four of the five big issues that they present related to ethnic Papuans are issues of violence and conflict. As expressed by Van Dijk (1993), that the presence of minority groups that are considered different (the others), is semantically defined in a different, problematic, distorted, or threatening news discourse. ethnicity issues, especially ethnic minorities tend to be constructed like this, so that their negative actions, such as violence, get the main portion and be discussed, but the possibility of social explanations about ethnic conflicts such as discrimination or causes of poverty, are not mentioned in news reports.

Stylistically, Kedaulatan Rakyat uses certain languages or terms as a tool to legitimize the power that they have and applied to the Papuan groups. This can be seen through the term

"Separatist" which further emphasizes the existence of Papuan as a group that is troubling and can threaten the stability of Indonesia. Kedaulatan Rakyat news content on July 20, 2016, when reports the riots in a Papuan student dormitory in Yogyakarta, the Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper several times used the word “separatist” which was indirectly aimed at Papuans in Yogyakarta. one of the sentences that contain the word separatist is;

"Papua is not just a brother to the people of Yogyakarta, but also a part of Indonesia, therefore don't have separatist aspirations in Yogyakarta".

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The sentence and the words are a micro-level which is a presupposition unit in critical discourse analysis. A presupposition is a fact that has not been proven true but is used as a basis to support certain ideas. The contents of the news on July 20 do not explain in detail the intended separatist aspirations, so the sentence and words are only a presupposition that is used to lead readers' opinions. The use of the word separatist which refers to Papuans can also be seen in the article July 21, 2016. In this article, the word “separatist” is used five times. The word “separatist”, in this case, confirms that Kedaulatan Rakyat is an agent that helps to construct stereotypes against Papuan people who are often identified as groups that still question their existence in Indonesia. This can be seen in the following quote;

“Yogyakarta for Indonesia, not a “separatist” place to separate from Indonesia"

The term Separatist in Van Dijk's perspective is a lexical element used by Kedaulatan Rakyat in signifying practice. Thus, the choice of words used is not merely due to chance, but also ideologically shows how media frame the reality. Presupposition and lexical are the politics of media representation in the formation of news. The text displayed is not yet fully able to escape the labeling or stereotypes that exist in the ethnic Papuan groups. Issues that relate to Papuan identity are constructed through the choice of words and sentences so that these stereotypes become more fertile. In this case, media coverage still tends to discriminate and marginalize ethnic Papuan groups. Kedaulatan Rakyat through its reporting helped to foster separatist stigmatization of ethnic Papuan groups.

News as a media product can construct a cognitive audience. For example, when hearing a story about a particular ethnic group, a listener will activate information that is relevant to the information that they have about a particular ethnicity. Although not directly recognized, this information continues to be embedded in the cognitive level of the audience, thus contributing conceptually to the development of knowledge in the mental model audience. This process explains the relationship between discourse, cognition, and society (Addison, 2013).

Besides presupposition and lexical elements, the marginalization of ethnic Papuans through Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper also, be seen through the space of representation given to them.

When media makes the issue of Papua as the object of their reporting, the media does not present the Papuans themselves in the representation space as news sources. This situation can be seen through the preaching of Kedaulatan Rakyat on 16, 20, and 21 July 2016. In this period, Kedaulatan Rakyat and other print media in Yogyakarta intensely made the Papuan group as the object of their reporting, due to the persecution of Papuan student dormitories in Yogyakarta. In that period, Kedaulatan Rakyat gives the government or organization elite to fill the presentation space as a news source. On July 16, 2020, for example, Kedaulatan Rakyat only provided space for the Chairman of the Commission A Yogyakarta House of Representative and the Chairman of the Sekber Keistimewaan Yogyakarta to convey their response. Meanwhile on July 20 and July 21, 2020, Kedaulatan Rakyat also only provided space for the elite, such as Governor of Yogyakarta and the Yogyakarta Regional Police as news sources. Elite groups with the resources that they have very easily enter the media representation space. This situation finally silenced the ethnic Papuan groups to convey their aspirations. The failure of media in reporting various matters that relate to Papua is the lack of representation space for them, to convey their aspirations.

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The media often ignores other perspectives that should be used as a counterweight to a news product. The media tends to assume that the elite or existing authority is the party that best understands the problems that occur. As expressed by Victor Mambor (In, Rasiey, 2017), chairman of AJI’s Jayapura (Indonesian journalists' association), “

“Media’s workers often make news sources only civil and security authorities, such as Police Officers, Governors, Heads of Offices, Regents, and members of the House of

Representatives”.

This practice is increasingly closing the aspirations of Papuan ethnic groups, because the media do not listen to their arguments which are directly a part and an object of a media product (news). We can examine the voices of ethnic minorities in the media space. If a minority opinion is quoted in media, are almost followed by majority ethnic group, such as white group. For example, only 3.8% of news reports in the UK allow minority groups to talk about ethnicity issues (Dijk, 1993).

Media has become an agent that reproduces stereotypes against Papuan ethnic groups. The stereotype can be seen through three things (Hall, 2013), First, stereotypes in practice are closed and excluded. In this case, Papuan ethnic groups are excluded and given no space by the media to express their aspirations directly, because they are often represented by certain elites, such as regional heads or the police. Second, stereotypes reduce, essential, naturalize, and establish differences. The Papuan ethnic group is reduced by the media as a marginal group and fixes these differences in various ways, such as through language in the news. Third, stereotypes tend to take place where there are inequalities of power. This kind of media behavior also reinforces the assumption of the irony of democracy in media practices that seem to be agents in reproducing certain discourses, such as the issue of Papuan ethnic groups.

The preaching of Kedaulatan Rakyat that has not been able to get out from the practice of stereotypes and instead reproduce the stereotypes itself is the cause of the strong labeling of racist stereotypes to Papuan ethnic groups in Yogyakarta. One form of stereotypical and racist practices towards Papuan ethnic groups in Yogyakarta is by using the term "mukri". “Mukri”

is an abbreviation of Javanese “munyuk kriting”, which means "curly monkey". The term refers to the behavior of Papuans who are identified with abusive groups, and their biological circumstances, that is black skin and curly hair. the term of mukri shows that racial practices towards Papuan ethnic groups in Yogyakarta are very strong. In this context, Papuan ethnic groups are seen as "outgroup", while Yogyakarta people are seen as "ingroups". A striking difference in physical appearance makes it easy for Yogyakarta people to distinguish between Javanese and Papuans (Habibi, 2017). Their biological condition which is different from the other ethnic groups in Indonesia is a sign to make this term. As stated by Stuart Hall (2013), that stereotype is a form of character that is simplified, reduced, and has been predetermined.

Like black people who are portrayed differently from white people because of the markers of their physical differences, namely thick lips, curly hair, wide faces, and nose.

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The stereotype of Papuan ethnic groups as identical with violence, biological differences, and lifestyles is not only represented by the mainstream media, such as newspapers. Film as a medium of communication also takes part in reproducing these stereotypes. In Diam-diam Suka (2014) movie, Papuan identity is represented as a fool, weird, and primitive (Christiani, 2017).

Representations of Papuan identities as a weird and primitive group are also displayed in Lost in Papua (2011) Movie. In this movie, Papuans are described as "the other" and primitive because their habit of wearing “koteka”¹and hunting when foraging (Larasati, 2014).

The labeling of Papuan ethnic groups continues to stand, because media reproduce these stereotypes. In addition, the Papuan ethnic group is also considered as a single entity that has the same habits and cultural backgrounds, because it tends to be seen from their biological conditions, as expressed by one of the informants in this study, that “We are seen as having similarities in many ways, even though we fellow Papuans also have many differences, the example is the classification between “Papua Gunung” and “Papua Pantai”. As said by Nahuway, (2014), that ethnic Papuans can be seen through the two differences, “Papua Gunung” (Papuan mountain) and “Papua Pantai” (coastal Papuan). This difference based on the geographical or ecological environment that they lived. The environment around them also influences their social and cultural life patterns, such as interaction, lifestyles, habits, and livelihoods.

In Papua, there are at least 261 ethnic groups. Among these ethnic groups, Dani with 648,227 (Papua), Biak-Numfor: 145,902 (Papua), and 56,269 (Papua Barat), Auwye/Mee 314,582 (Papua), Ngalik: 133,562 (Papua), Asmat: 122,941 (Papua), Yapen: 18,769 (Papua Barat), Yapen: 73,404 (Papua), Dauwa: 96,928 (Papua), Marind Anim: 36,852 (Papua). Sentani:

28,945, Hupla: 27,323, Waropen 25,064, Mimika 23,277, Damal 22,409, Kei/Evav 22,134, Yaghay: 21.025 (Papua), and the other ethnic groups. The ethnic groups with the largest number of members is the Dani ethnic group (Ananta, et al, 2015).

The differences between Papuans ethnic groups are considered not important, even though ethnic differences also influence the habits of each individual. The diversity of Papuans in Indonesia, one of which can be seen in Yogyakarta. The large number of Papuans that studying in Yogyakarta is encouraging Papua governments to provide student dorms for their People in Yogyakarta. There are at least 25 Papuan dormitories in Yogyakarta (Mahyudin, 2016). These dorms are adjusted based on their regional origin in Papua, thus reflecting that Papua is not a

“single” and has a different cultural background.

1 Koteka is a penis sheath traditionally worn by native male inhabitants of some (mainly highland) ethnic groups in Papua to cover their genitals.

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5. Conclusion

Kedaulatan Rakyat is an agent who indirectly takes part in representing and reproducing discrimination, as well as stereotypes that are often embedded in Papuan ethnic groups through the reports that they convey to the public. Discourse on the Papuan ethnic groups as a troubling and dangerous group continues to be established through various domains of discursive formation. Through the use of language as a symbol system, Kedaulatan Rakyat maintains and strengthen the stereotype of Papuan ethnic groups. In this case, one of the words that used as a symbol by Kedaulatan Rakyat is "Separatism", which refers to acts of violence and resistance to separation from Indonesia. The word “Separatism” is a lexical element in the Van Dijk CDA concept, which can be a sign when discussing Papuan ethnic group. When enjoying information from the media, the reader is unconsciously herded by definitions or signs that constructed by the media. Therefore, readers as an audience is difficult to get out / escape from the practice of stereotypes.

The issues that relates to Papuan identity, such as violence, become a major portion and are discussed continuously, but the explanations about the causes of poverty and social inequality in Papua are not mentioned and discussed in news reports. The media should open space for Papuans to express their aspirations and arguments, without represented by other points of view or perspectives, such as officials or the military. Furthermore, Papuans are very diverse, because they have a variety of habits and different cultural backgrounds. Around 261 ethnic Papuan groups spread across Indonesia, and of course with different socio-cultural patterns. This number gives an understanding, that it is very impossible to homogenize Papuans.

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