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GERIA’S DECLINING INFLUENCE AS A REGIONAL HEGEMON IN WEST AFRICA: CAUSES AND TMPLICATIONS, 1994-2015
SULE, SAI AHMAD
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITI UTARA MALAYSIA
2018
i
NIGERIA’S DECLINING INFLUENCE AS A REGIONAL HEGEMON IN WEST AFRICA: CAUSES AND IMPLICATION
SBy
SULE, SANI AHMAD
Ghazzalie Shafie Graduate School of Government
College of Law, Government and International Studies (COLGIS) Universiti Utara, Malaysia
in
Fulfilment of the Requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
iii
PERMISSION TO USE
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iv ABSTRACT
Nigeria’s strategic position in the West African sub-region has earned her the status of a regional Hegemony since her independence in 1960 up to 1994. The country has contributed immensely toward maintaining peace and stability in the region as well as assisting the ECOWAS member countries in their respective economic development efforts. However, from 1994 to 2015, Nigeria’s Hegemonic power status began a steady decline owing to internal and external factors.
The study attempted to investigate the causes of the country’s Hegemonic decline as well as the implications of the decline on the region using qualitative method of data collection and content analysis through interviews and documentary analysis. The long cycle theory of George Modelski is used as a theoretical framework to shape the understanding of Hegemonic Stability Theory (HST). However, the study employed the three levels of analysis of Kenneth N. Waltz as an analytical framework to explain the causes of the decline. These levels are the systems level, the domestic level, and the personality level. Findings of the study reveals that internal factors such as lack of effective governance, lack of unity, rising poverty level, endemic corruption, and collapse of internal security are the major internal factors responsible for the country’s Hegemonic power decline in West Africa. Similarly, external factors such as the waning of Nigeria’s leadership role in the region and the entire African continent, France’s continuous intervention in the regional affairs of West Africa, and the deterioration of Nigeria’s relations with her traditional super power allies, the United States and Britain, combine to erode her Hegemonic power status in West Africa. The personality and leadership styles of individual leaders of the country from 1994 to 2015 also contributed immensely toward the country’s power decline. This study concluded that Nigeria needs to take serious measures against these factors in order to reverse the decline in her Hegemonic status in West Africa. Similarly, the country needs to establish a stable and cordial relationship with France being the major challenger of her Hegemonic power in the region. Future research can investigate Nigeria’s Hegemonic power decline in West Africa beyond 2015 since the decline still persists beyond the scope of this study.
Keywords: Hegemonic Stability Theory (HST), Hegemonic Power, Levels of Analysis, Decline, Nigeria, West Africa
v ABSTRAK
Kedudukan strategik Nigeria di sub-rantau Afrika Barat telah memperolehi status Hegemoni serantau semenjak kemerdekaannya pada tahun 1960 hingga 1994.
Negara ini telah memberi sumbangan besar dalam menjaga keamanan dan kestabilan di rantau serta membantu negara anggota ECOWAS dalam usaha pembangunan ekonomi masing-masing. Walau bagaimanapun, dari tahun 1994 hingga 2015, status kuasa Hegemoni Nigeria mula merosot secara berterusan disebabkan oleh faktor dalaman dan luaran. Kajian ini cuba menyelidik penyebab kemerosotan Hegemoni negara ini serta implikasi kemerosotan tersebut di rantau ini menggunakan kaedah pengumpulan data kualitatif dan analisis kandungan melalui temubual dan analisis dokumentari. Teori kitaran panjang oleh George Modelski digunakan sebagai kerangka teori untuk membentuk pemahaman tentang Teori Kestabilan Hegemoni (HST). Walau bagaimanapun, kajian ini menggunakan tiga aras analisis oleh Kenneth N. Waltz sebagai kerangka analitikal untuk menjelaskan sebab-sebab kemerosotan tersebut. Aras-aras ini adalah aras sistem, aras domestik, dan aras personaliti. Penemuan kajian mendedahkan bahawa faktor dalaman seperti kekurangan tadbir urus yang berkesan, kekurangan perpaduan, peningkatan tahap kemiskinan, rasuah endemik, dan keselamatan dalaman yang terjejas adalah faktor- faktor utama dalaman yang bertanggungjawab terhadap kemerosotan kuasa Hegemoni negara ini di Afrika Barat. Secara yang serupa, faktor luaran seperti pengurangan peranan kepimpinan Nigeria di rantau ini dan seluruh benua Afrika, campur tangan Perancis secara berterusan dalam hal ehwal serantau di Afrika Barat, dan kemerosotan hubungan Nigeria dengan kuasa besar bersekutu tradisional Nigeria, Amerika Syarikat dan Britain, bergabung untuk menghakis status kuasa Hegemoninya di Afrika Barat. Gaya keperibadian dan kepimpinan individu pemimpin negara dari tahun 1994 hingga 2015 juga banyak menyumbang kepada kemerosotan kuasa negara tersebut. Kajian ini membuat kesimpulan bahawa Nigeria perlu mengambil langkah serius untuk menangani faktor-faktor ini untuk menterbalikkan penurunan status Hegemoninya di Afrika Barat. Begitu juga, negara ini perlu mewujudkan hubungan yang stabil dan mesra dengan Perancis sebagai pencabar utama kuasa Hegemoninya di rantau ini. Penyelidikan masa depan boleh meneliti kemerosotan kuasa Hegemoni Nigeria di Afrika Barat selepas tahun 2015 kerana penurunan ini masih berterusan di luar skop kajian ini.
Kata kunci: Teori Kestabilan Hegemoni, Kuasa Hegemoni, Aras Analisis, Kemerosotan, Nigeria, Afrika Barat
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My sincere thanks and gratitude goes to Almighty Allah for giving me the courage, fortitude, foresight and of course long live to be able to undertake this programme.
My gratitude goes also to my supervisors, Professor Emeritus Dr. Ranjit Singh Darshan a/l Darshan Singh for his tireless intellectual contributions throughout my study; and Professor Dr. Mohammad Azizuddin Mohammad Sani for his patience, constructive criticism and friendly attitudes during my study. I’m grateful to my late parents Alhaji Sule Ahmad and Hajiya Hauwa Sule for raising me to maturity and giving me all the moral and financial supports in life. May Allah reward them with Jannatul Firdaus. I’m also grateful to my Brothers Alhaji Abubakar Sule and Alhaji Sabi’u Sule for their assistance and advice during my study. I’m indebted to my wife Hajiya Sakina Tijjani for standing by me and shouldering all the responsibilities of my family during my stay in Malaysia. Space could not allow me mention every one that contribute to my success, I therefore, extend my profound gratitude to all my family members, friends and colleagues whose name I could not mention for their moral and financial support during my study. I wish all of them Allah’s blessings.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title page ... Error! Bookmark not defined.
Certification ... ii
Permission to Use ... iii
ABSTRACT ... iv
ABSTRAK ... v
Acknowledgements ... vi
Table of Contents ... vii
List of Tables ... xii
List of Abbreviations ... xiii
CHAPTER ONE RESEARCH OVERVIEW ... 1
1.1 Introduction ... 1
1.1.1 Evidence of Nigeria’s Decline ... 12
1.1.2 Application of the Levels of Analysis as a Structure for Explanation ... 14
1.2 Statement of the Research Problem ... 16
1.3 Research Questions ... 18
1.4 Research Objectives ... 18
1.5 Scope of the Study ... 19
1.6 Significance of the Study ... 21
1.7 Research Method ... 22
1.7.1 Sampling Technique ... 26
1.7.2 Ethical Considerations ... 26
1.8 Operational Definitions of Key Concepts ... 27
1.8.3 Regional Hegemon: ... 28
1.8.1 Hegemony: ... 28
1.8.2 Global Hegemon: ... 28
viii
1.8.4 West African sub-region: ... 28
1.9 Chapterisation ... 28
CHAPTER TWO THEORIES OF HEGEMONIC STABILITY ... 32
2.1 Introduction ... 32
2.2 The Hegemonic Stability Theory and Related Theories ... 32
2.3 Critique of the Realist Theory ... 40
2.4 Attributes of a Global Hegemon ... 42
2.5 Attributes of a Regional Hegemon ... 46
2.6 Relationship and Differences between Global and Regional Hegemons 49 2.7 Connection between the Long Cycle Theory and Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline ... 49
2.8 Analytical Framework: The Levels of Analysis ... 54
2.8.1 The Individual Level of Analysis ... 54
2.8.2 The Domestic Level of Analysis: ... 55
2.8.3 The International Level of Analysis ... 55
2.9 Conclusion ... 56
CHAPTER THREE LITERATURE REVIEW ... 57
3.1 Introduction ... 57
3.2 General Overview of Literature on Hegemony ... 57
3.3 General Literature on the rise of Nigeria’s Hegemonic status ... 62
3.4 Literature on Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline ... 79
3.4.1 Literature on Bad Governance as a cause of Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline ... 79
3.4.2 Literature on lack of Unity as a cause of Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline ... 87
3.4.3 Literature on Corruption as a cause of Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline ... 103
3.4.4 Literature on Insecurity as a cause of Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline ... 110
3.5 Conclusion ... 120
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CHAPTER FOUR HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF NIGERIA’S
HEGEMONIC STATUS IN WEST AFRICA ... 122
4.1 Introduction ... 122
4.2 Capabilities ... 123
4.3 Willingness ... 124
4.4 Integrity ... 125
4.5 Capabilities ... 126
4.5.1 Military Capabilities ... 126
4.5.2 Economic Capabilities ... 127
4.5.3 Political Capabilities ... 128
4.6 Willingness ... 130
4.6.1 Military Willingness ... 130
4.6.2 Economic Willingness ... 131
4.6.3 Political Willingness in West African Sub-Region ... 135
4.7 Integrity Indicator ... 145
4.8 The Declining Status of Nigeria’s Hegemony 1994 To 2015 ... 147
4.8.1 Decline in Military Capabilities ... 147
4.8.2 The Decline in Political Capabilities ... 148
4.8.3 Decline in Economic Capabilities ... 151
4.8.4 Decline in Political Willingness... 153
4.8.5 Decline in Military Willingness ... 154
4.8.6 Decline in Economic Willingness ... 155
4.8.7 Decline in Nigeria’s Integrity ... 156
4.9 Conclusion ... 158
CHAPTER FIVE CAUSES OF NIGERIA’S HEGEMONIC DECLINE AFTER 1994 ... 160
5.1 Introduction ... 160
5.2 The Systems Level of Analysis ... 163
5.2.1 Decline of Nigeria’s Leadership Role in AU and West Africa Countries ... 163
5.2.2 France Intervention as a Cause of Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline .. 169
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5.2.3 Nigeria’s Relations with Major World Powers the UK and US as a
Cause of Her Decline ... 171
5.2.4 African Regional Complexes: Nigeria and South Africa ... 175
5.3 Pillars of a Hegemon ... 179
5.3.1 Unity of the Nigerian State and its Influence on Her Hegemony ... 180
5.3.2 Ethnicity and its Implications on Nigeria’s Hegemonic Status ... 187
5.3.3 Regionalism as a Cause of Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline ... 193
5.3.4 Decline of Effective Governance... 196
5.3.5 In-Congruence of Democracy and Practice: ... 199
5.3.6 Corruption as an Evidence of Bad Governance Responsible for Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline ... 202
5.3.7 Poverty as a Factor for Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline ... 210
5.3.8 Collapse of Internal Security ... 213
5.3.9 Boko Haram as a Factor Responsible for the Decline ... 217
5.3.10 Economic Decline ... 223
5.3.10.1 Decline of Trade ... 225
5.3.10.2 Debt Management as Cause of Decline ... 227
5.4 Nigeria’s Leaders Personality ... 232
5.4.1 General Sani Abacha Regime and Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline .. 234
5.4.2 President Olusegun Obasanjo’s Administration and Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline ... 235
5.4.3 President Umaru Musa Yar’adua’s Administration and Nigeria’s Decline ... 238
5.4.4 President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan Tenure And Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline ... 241
5.5 Conclusion ... 244
CHAPTER SIX IMPLICATIONS OF NIGERIA’S HEGEMONIC DECLINE ON WEST AFRICAN SUB-REGION ... 245
6.1 Introduction ... 245
6.2 Economic Implications of Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline in West Africa245 6.3 Political Implication of Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline in West Africa ... 252
6.4 Military Implications of Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline ... 257
6.5 Implications of the Decline on Nigeria ... 261
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6.6 Conclusion ... 264
CHAPTER SEVEN ... 265
CONCLUSION ... 265
7.1 Introduction ... 265
7.2 Findings Relating to the Levels of Analysis ... 267
7.2.2 Findings relating to the Internal Causes of Nigeria’s Decline ... 269
7.2.2.1 Findings Relating to Economic Factors as an Evidence of Nigeria’s Decline ... 274
7.2.3 Findings Relating to the Individual Level of Analysis ... 276
7.3 Findings relating to the Implications of Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline on West Africa ... 281
7.3.1 Findings relating to the Economic Implications of Nigeria’s Hegemonic Decline ... 281
7.3.2 Limitation of the Study ... 283
7.3.3 Contribution of the Study ... 284
7.4 Suggestions for Further Research ... 284
BIBLIOGRAPHY ... 286
Appendices ... 300
Appendix A: Data Collection Letter from GSGS ... 300
Appendix B: List of Respondents ... 301
Appendix C: Structured Questions Administered to Respondents ... 302
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 5.1 Inequalities between the Regions of Nigeria……….………...192 Table 5.2 Educational Attainment and Inequality across Geopolitical Zones (2014)……..194 Table 5.3 Below Shows Nigeria’s Domestic and External Loans from 1994 to 2010….…225
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ACF Arewa Consultative Forum
ACP Africa Caribbean and Pacific AFDB African Development Bank
AG Action Group
AIDS Acquired immunity Deficiency Syndrome APC All Progressive Congress
APR Africa Progress Report
ASEAN Association of South-East Asian Nations
AU African Union
BOP Balance of Payment
CARA Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa CEAO Communuate Economique de’l Afrique de’l Quest CHOGM Commonwealth Heads of Governments meeting CMAG Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group
DFRRI Directorate of Food Roads and Rural Infrastructure ECOMOG Ecowas Monitoring Group
ECOWAS ECONOMIC Community of West African States EFCC Economic and Financial Crimes Commission EM 10 Emerging Markets 10
EPA Economic Partnership Agreement
EU European Union
FAO Food and Agricultural Organization FDI Foreign Direct Investment
FEAP Family Economic Advancement Programme G-77 Group of 77
GCI Global Competitive Index GDP Gross Domestic Product 3Gs Global Growth Generations
GUNT Government of National Unity and Transition
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HIV Human Immune Virus
ICJ International Court of Justice
ICPC Independent Corrupt Practices Commission IDPs Internally Displaced People’s
IIAG Ibrahim Index of African Development INEC Independent National Electoral Commission ING Interim National Government
IPOB Indigenous Peoples of Biafra JTF Joint Task Force
LCBC Lake Chad Basin Countries LDCs Least Developing Countries
LEEDS Local Government Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy
MASSOP Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra MEND Movement for the Emancipation OF THE Niger Delta
MNJTF Multi-national Joint Task Force
NALDA Nigerian Agricultural and Land Development Authority NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NCNC national Council of Nigerian Citizens NDDC Niger Delta Development Commission NDLEA National Drugs Law Enforcement Agency
NEEDS National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy NEPA National Electric Power Authority
NEPAD New Partnership for Africa’s Development NEPU Northern Elements Progressive Union NPC Northern People Congress
NPEP national Poverty Eradication programme NPN National Party of Nigeria
NPP Nigerian Peoples Party NYSC National Youth Service Corp OAU organization of African Unity
xv OFN Operation Feed the Nation
OPEC Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries PAP Poverty Alleviation Programme
PASED Programme for the Assistance of Security and Development PDP Peoples Democrtic Party
PEP Poverty Alleviation Programme PPP Public Private Partnership PRP peoples Redemption Party PSC Peace and Security Council PSO Peace Support Operation RBS Rural Banking Scheme
RCCG Redeemed Christian Church of God RES Rural Electricity Scheme
SADC South African Development Community SALWs Small and Light Weapons
SCOAN Synagogue Church of all Nations
SEEDS States Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy SME Small and Medium Enterprise
SSS State Security Service TAC Technical Aid Corp
TNC Trans national Corporation UBE Universal Basic Education
UK United Kingdom
UN United Nations
UNCAC United Nations Conference against Corruption
UNCTAI United Nations Conference on Trade and Development UNISFA United Nations Security Force for Abyei
UNMAID United Nations Mission in Darfur UNMISS United Nations Mission in South Sudan UNOC United Nations Operation in Congo UNSC United Nations Security Council
xvi UPN Unity Party of Nigeria
US United States
USSR United Soviet Socialist Republic WAGP West African Gas Pipeline
WAIC War against Indiscipline and Corruption WAMZ West African Monetary Zone
WAPP West African Power Pool
1
CHAPTER ONE RESEARCH OVERVIEW
1.1 Introduction
The significance of Nigeria as the largest country of indigenous Africans in the world as well as the largest economy in West Africa has been acknowledged by the international community thereby, referred to as the “giant of Africa” because of her enormous human and material resources. Nigeria has committed a lot of resources both human and material to maintain the role of “natural leader with a manifest destiny” (Bach, 2007, 301). Nelson Mandela, former South Africa’s president rightly acknowledged Nigeria’s leadership position in Africa when he lamented;
“the world will not respect Africa until Nigeria earns that respect.
The black people of the world need Nigeria to be great as a source of pride and confidence” (Maja-Pearce, 2013, 4).
Thus, Nigeria’s leadership in West Africa is undisputable and her hegemonic influence rather than self-acclaimed is acknowledged by West African countries themselves as well as the international community. President Barrack Obama while meeting with Nigeria’s president Muhammadu Buhari declared Nigeria as the most important country in sub Saharan Africa (Kelly, 2015).
The West African sub-region is one of the five sub-regions of the African continent namely, Central Africa, East Africa, North Africa, South Africa and West African sub-regions. There are seventeen countries in the West Africa sub-region that form the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) namely; Benin Republic, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, Cote d’Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea,
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Gambia, Ghana, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Sierra-Leone and Togo. Mauritania is the eighteenth country in West Africa but withdrew its membership of ECOWAS in 1992. Some of these countries are in the Sahel region, close to the Sahara desert such as Niger, Mali and Senegal. Ghana, Nigeria, Gambia, Guinea Bissau, Equatorial Guinea, Togo, Liberia and Sierra-Leone are near the Gulf of Guinea and are call the gulf of Guinea countries. The region has “a geographical area of 3.8 million square miles which averages about 17% of the African continent” (Omaamaka & Groupson-paul, 2015, 70) .
Nigeria is a sub-Saharan African country with an area of 924,000 sq. kilometres and a coastline of 853 kilometres. According to the United Nations world population prospect of 2015; the country has an estimated population of 182,202,000 (United Nations, 2015, 20). The country thus, has the largest population in Africa which constitutes one sixth of African population; the country is also a gateway to the West African countries. Nigeria is a multi-ethnic and multi religious country with an approximately more than 250 ethnic groups. It has six geo-political zones and the major ethnic groups in the country which comprise of Tiv 2.5% North-central, Kanuri 4% North-east, Hausa/Fulani 29% North-west, Ibo 18% South-east, Ijaw 10%
South-south and Yoruba 21% South-west (World Bank, 2014; Africa Confidential, 2006). The country is potentially rich in both human and material resources; it has 2.2% of global Oil reserve which makes her the 11th Oil producing nation in the World. It also has 2.7% of global natural Gas reserve thereby becoming the World’s 9th largest (Bach, 2007,302).
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Nigeria industrial sector contributed only 6% of the GDP while the manufacturing sector contributed 4% (Arndt, McKay, & Tarp, 2016, 528). Total manufactured products exported to African countries was only 3% in 1990’s which dropped to almost 1% in 2007. The country’s economy is susceptible to global market influence especially since Oil account for 90% of the country’s income. With Oil price at $41 US dollars per barrel, the economy may be moving toward recession if the trend continues for a long time (World Bank, 2014,19). Foreign direct investment (FDI) is also affected as result of the country’s long history of corruption and mismanagement. However, Nigeria’s dismal performance in the non-oil sector is attributable to the low presence of Trans National Corporations (TNC) in the country. In 2003, 0nly 18 out of the Top 100 TNC’s of the World had subsidiaries in Nigeria.
Nigeria is also an agricultural state, with agriculture employing 70% of the work force; it constitutes 2% of the GDP. Nigeria’s climate allows for the production of different varieties of both food and cash crops. Food crops such as cassava, beans, millet, sorghum, yam, cocoa-yam, sweet-potatoes, cow-pea and plantain are produced in large quantities in addition to cash crops such as ground-nut, cocoa, palm oil, and palm kernel, rubber, cotton and Benn seed. The major importers of Nigeria’s agricultural products include Britain, United States and Germany.
Livestock farming constitutes 2% of the country’s GDP in the 1980’s although it dropped in the 1990’s due to environmental hazards (United Nation, 2009).
Nigeria has been described as a regional Hegemon in the West African sub-region (Ogunnubi, 2016, 5-7). From her independence in 1960, Nigeria has maintained a leading role in the African political landscape as well as the sub-regional level until
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1994. Nigeria spearheaded the formation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on the 28th of May 1975, after the signing of the ECOWAS Treaty by the fifteen West African countries present at the meeting in Lagos Nigeria. The ECOWAS headquarters remain in Nigeria’s capital (Adebajo, 2000; Ihonvbere, 1991).
Nigeria has been described as a regional power with the growing self-assurance and developing capability to demonstrate it. Substantial literature indicate that Nigeria has been a regional Hegemon in the West African sub-region despite challenges from rival Francophone countries particularly Cote d’ Ivoire (Bach, 2007, 303; Cilliers, Schünemann, & Moyer, 2015, 2; Ogunnubi, 2016, 124; Ogunnubi & Isike, 2015, 156; Ogunnubi & Okeke-Uzodike, 2016, 114; Omaamaka & Groupson-paul, 2015, 66).
Before providing evidence of Nigeria’s hegemonic posture it may be worthwhile explaining what we mean by Hegemony. The concept of Hegemony refers to the over bearing dominance of one country in the international system over the rest of the countries and its ability to influence international economic, political and military decisions. The hegemonic stability theory was developed by both the realist and the neo-Marxists. It presupposes the existence of one country that has preponderant power economically, politically and militarily over the rest of the countries in the international system. The basic contention of the theory is that the world system would remain stable as long as there is a strong Hegemon that enforces the rules in the international system. That instability would characterize the world in the absence of a Hegemon. The theory believed that the dominant power referred to as Hegemon manage the “common good”, but must also be able to bear the full burden for its provision (Gilpin, 1988; Snidal, 1985). However, for a country to attain hegemonic
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status, it must possess the potentials which include; “preponderant economic power, military strength, technological superiority and strategic geographical location”
(Wohlforth, 1999, 20).
Regional Hegemons on the other hand are states that exercises considerable degree of influence within their delimited region (Ogunnubi & Isike, 2015, 156). They are also defined as “states which possess power sufficient enough to dominate subordinate state systems” (Ogunnubi, 2016, 112). Any state therefore, that possess the preponderant influence in political, military and economic spheres in the region that could not be matched by any other state or coalition of states in the sub-region may be considered a regional Hegemon.
1.1.2 EVIDENCE OF NIGERIA’S REGIONAL HEGEMONY 1960-1994 There are factors that facilitated Nigeria’s emergence as a regional power; these include; demography, size, economic strength, military capabilities and experience, lack of strong regional rivals, smaller and weaker neighbours as well as her willingness to take responsibility of the West African agenda. These factors set Nigeria apart as a regional Hegemon.
One out of every five sub Saharan Africans is a Nigerian, the country is the fourth largest crude Oil supplier to the United States, and European Union most important market after South Africa. Nigeria’s population is estimated at 182,202,000 which make it to be the 7th populated country in the World (World Bank, 2014, 8).
Steve Chan (Chan, 2008) argues that any analysis of hegemonic power should not ignore per capita income which is the baseline for the approximation of citizenship productivity. Economically Nigeria has the highest GDP per capita in the West African sub-region of $521.80 billion US dollars which makes it the 25th in the world
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ranking (World Bank, 2016, 60). The annual growth rate of Nigeria’s GDP in 2014 was +6.4% which is above the African average. Growth rate for 2015 and 2016 is projected to be 4.5% and 5.5% respectively (NBS, 2015, 4). Thus, Nigeria is the dominant economy in West Africa in terms of GDP and population and the largest economy in Africa (World Bank, 2016). The country has over 50% of the entire West African population.
Nigeria has been ranked 4th after Algeria, Egypt, and South Africa respectively by the Global Fire Power index (Cilliers et al., 2015, 4). In the West African sub-region the country is the strongest military power. It has 148 tanks, 1,420 armoured fighting vehicles, 25 self-propelled guns, 339 towed artillery, 98 air crafts, 10 fighter jets, 42 transport aircrafts, 35 trainer aircrafts, 9 attack helicopters, 75 naval ships, 12 coastal defence crafts, and 3 marine warfare. This is in addition to 130,000 active frontline troops and 32,000 reserves. Although these figures are not adequate enough for a country like Nigeria in modern warfare; yet the country is the strongest in the community of West African states (Cilliers et al., 2015, 10).
Apart from capability, a Hegemon must also have the willingness to act like a leader.
Nigeria as the regional leader in West Africa has demonstrated willingness to share the common good worthy of a Hegemon by taking responsibility of any country in the region that requires her assistance. In terms of giving assistance to her regional allies, the country established the Nigerian Trust Fund within the African development Bank with an initial deposit of $80 Million US dollars. By 1990 the Nigerian Trust Fund has financed 43 development projects in 27 African countries with a total range of $240,764,220 million US dollars (AfDB, 2007, 11).
In terms of giving assistance to sister countries Nigeria established the Technical Aid Corp (TAC) in 1987 under the General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida
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administration. The aim of the TAC is to provide technical assistance to Africa Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP) in order to accelerate rapid socio-economic development of these countries. The TAC was established in the ministry of foreign affairs as an expression of Nigeria’s commitment to south-south cooperation.
Peacekeeping effort is yet another area Nigeria portrayed her willingness to act like a regional Hegemon. The country has participated in peace keeping missions’ as far back as 1960’s when the country’s troops participated in the UN mission in Congo code named United Nations Operation in Congo (UNOC). Apart from contributing troops, the country commanded the operation in Congo. Since then, Nigeria has been actively involved in peace keeping operation across the world. The country has participated in 40 out of the 55 peace support Operations (PSO) organized by the United Nation(s) Organization (UN) since 1948; thus, making a 73% presence in all UN peace keeping Operations (Omaamaka & Groupson-paul, 2015, 71).
Politically there is abundant evidence to prove that Nigeria is a regional power from 1960 up to 1994 in West Africa. The significant involvement of Nigeria at regional, continental and global politics cannot be over emphasized. It is pertinent to note that General Yakubu Gowon, former military leader of Nigeria with General Gnessingbe Eyadema of Togo joined forces to influence the formation of ECOWAS in 1975 with Nigeria paying one third of ECOWAS financial commitments. To demonstrate her regional influence, Nigeria severed relations with France to express dismay over French nuclear test in the Sahara in January 1961. For a country that just achieved independence a year ago to express such deep disagreement with a great power like France is a pointer to Nigeria’s hegemonic quest even at that time during her infancy (Adebajo, 2000, 182).
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Toward achieving regional democracy and good governance, Nigeria has intervened even when the country was far away from achieving democracy internally.
ECOWAS and Nigeria insists that every accession to power must be made through free, fair and transparent elections; thus the formation of the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in 1991 which was spearheaded by Nigeria to restore democracy in Liberia and later in Sierra-Leone.
The HST is used by this study to shape our understanding of the Nigeria’s hegemonic status because of its emphasis on the preponderance of influence and willingness to carry out the function of sharing the public good; which Nigeria has been actively doing since independence. West African countries have been enjoying Nigeria’s magnanimous gesture which was contained in her foreign policy objectives since from independence.
The Long Cycle Theory (LCT) which is an offshoot of the HST and the baseline for our discussion in this study aptly capture Nigeria’s reality, although the country is oxymoronic owing to her colonial character, nevertheless it has been exercising hegemonic influence in the West African region because there is no serious contender. Some scholars such as Ihonvbere and Obi argued that Nigeria has demonstrated all evidences of a failing state yet claims hegemonic power in West Africa. It would be difficult for a failing state to exercise hegemonic power. That explains the choice of this study to use the regional hegemonic theory of the HST to fashion our understanding of the subject matter.
This study is premised within the regional hegemonic theory; and debate is on-going on what constitute a regional Hegemon. This study therefore, contribute to the debate on what a regional hegemon is or should be. Several scholars have defined regional Hegemon and the context within which it can be placed (Lemke & Reed, 1996; Nye,
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1990; Ogunnubi & Okeke-Uzodike, 2016; Morghenthau, Osterud, prys). A regional Hegemon does not possess all the attributes of a global Hegemon although the regional hegemonic theory draws from the HST. It has been argued that the regional Hegemon relied on the global Hegemon for support and logistic while the global Hegemons requires the regional Hegemons to push the hegemonic agenda at the regional levels.
This study argues that it is because Nigeria has become a failing state that her hegemonic influence is also declining. Nigeria has been effectively providing all the public good required of a Hegemon within the West African region from 1960 up to the middle of 1990’s. However, prolonged military rule produced strong leaders that were able to assert the country’s dominance in the region but were at the same time suppressing legitimate demands by citizens within the country; and that was the time the country began its gradual decline.
A failing state has been described by Robert Rotberg as one;
Which supply less than adequate of public good to its citizens. It ranked low in democracy ranking of Freedom House, the Human Rights Report of the US States Department, the Anti-corruption Index of Transparency International, the Human Development Index of the UN Development Programme, the Competitiveness Index of the World Economic Forum and the Doing Business Survey of the World Bank (Rotberg, 2013, 2).
Whereas the US is a global Hegemon among strong countries of the world; Nigeria is a regional Hegemon among weak countries because Hegemony is a global attribute of the 20th and 21st century.
African states were conceived entities because the political units that formed what are now called independent African states were arbitrarily formed by the colonial authorities. The juridical territories of the African states, their names, as well as legal
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identities were all carefully crafted by the colonial administrations for exploitative purposes. Thus, the institutions in African states were weak and lack the capacity to push the continents development agenda.
Weak institutions in Africa produced strong rulers and in some states strong elite that personalize authority. Ambitious political and military elites thus, dominated the state affairs. Institutional weakness also brings the issue of disaffected elites in Africa. The persistent military coups in Africa is perhaps a clear manifestation of elite alienation and dissatisfaction such that “by 1966, military intervention in politics in Africa had become endemic…even the smallest armies [had] carried out successful coups” (Jackson & Rosberg, 1982, 8). The military in most African states rather than subordinating to the governments became “the most feared opponents” of the governments (Jackson & Rosberg, 1982, 8). Thus, the military in Africa transformed themselves into government officials and rulers of their countries because the armies only wear uniform as a mark of display of state symbol.
Public policy apparatus in Nigeria as with most African states are weak and under developed; government agencies also lack adequate personale, finances and resources in contrast to the population. Therefore, compared to their territories and populations, most African government lack adequate and experienced staff that can be relied upon to deliver effective services. In general black African governments do not provide rational agencies that can provide services to the teaming population.
These problems of administrative reliability in black African countries was rooted in the failure to establish an effective, reliable and responsible ruling class owing to the colonial character of the African states.
The institutional weakness also extends to the military in Africa. Although the size of the armies has increased considerably after independence, but the ineffectiveness of
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its military stems from the politicization from the level of recruitment, promotion, posting and discipline; thereby, reducing the organization to mere political establishments rather than military institutions with command structures and this is part of the African dilemma (Jackson & Rosberg, 1982, 8).
This study therefore, posits Nigeria’s hegemonic decline within the context of the African dilemma created by colonial regime in their effort to unify administration rather than the African people. Thus, while we can say African states are failing; it would rather be more appropriate to argue that it is “what remains of the colonial state in Africa that is collapsing” (Mamdani, 2001, 652).
Although black African states are weak, they were yet given juridical status by the international society thereby making them legal entities that are recognized. Several attempts to break away from the colonial artificial states in Africa such as Biafra in Nigeria in 1967; Buganda in Uganda in 1960; were not recognized by the international community dominated and controlled by the European countries that colonized Africa. The colonial administration established “miniscule” such as Gabon, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Sao Tome and Principe, and The Gambia.
Despite their unviability they were recognized and given juridical status like all other viable states in the world.
This study therefore, submits that a regional Hegemon is a state that has the capacity to dominate all other countries within its delimited region either individually or collectively and is able to project the power as well as willing to take responsibility for the development and peaceful co-existence of the region.
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1.1.1 Evidence of Nigeria’s Decline
In 1994 General Sani Abacha took over power from the Interim National Government (ING) of Chief Earnest Shonekon, and in a bid to perpetuate himself in power shut the country from her international friends as a result of his violation of fundamental principles of international behaviour. His administration pursued a
“reactionary foreign policy that was reckless and abusive” (Kolawole, 2005, 875).
There was gross violation of human rights under the Abacha regime. He incarcerated his political opponents and executed many of them. State sponsored killings such as the assassination of Kudirat Abiola, wife of the acclaimed winner of the June 1992 general elections in Nigeria, the late Mashood M.K.O Abiola. The arrest and jailing of Chief Abiola himself, the detention and trail of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo for attempted coup and Abacha’s second in command General Oladipo Diya were cases in point to prove the recklessness of the Abacha regime.
The execution of Ken Saro Wiwa, an environmental activist in November 1995 however, sparked up international outrage against the Nigerian junta, especially the timing of the execution when the British Commonwealth Countries were holding their annual meeting in Auckland New Zealand. Sanctions followed the execution;
Nigeria was immediately suspended from the Commonwealth with the warning that by 1997 if the country fail to return to democratic governance it would be expel completely. The Clinton administration sanctioned Nigeria in diplomatic and economic spheres. However, the sanctions were limited which included; visa cancellation of top military personnel, suspension of US economic aid to Nigeria, cancellation of direct flight from the US, as well as stopping “Nigeria’s access to trade credit guarantees” (Folarin, 2013, 23). Canada closed its Nigerian Embassy and recalled her Ambassador. These economic and political sanctions did not however,
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make Abacha to retreat. More people were jailed including General Shehu Musa Yar’adua, a top contender in the presidential race and the second in command to General Obasanjo under whom Nigeria returned to democratic rule in 1979; the arrest and jailing of Dr. Beko Kuti, the trail in absentia of Professor Wole Soyinka an American Nobel laureate for literature prize (Kolawole, 2005, 874).
The Commonwealth meeting in Auckland also formed the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) consisting of eight countries; “Britain, Canada, Ghana, Jamaica, Malaysia, New Zealand, South Africa and Zimbabwe” (Sklar, 2004, 262).The CMAG was mandated to ensure Nigeria complied with the Harare Declaration of 1991 in which “all member states pledged to foster democracy, human rights and judicial independence” (Sklar, 2004, 262). CMAG recommended limited or targeted sanctions that would force the Nigerian government to yield to international pressures. Thus, assets and bank accounts of top members of the junta were freezed. In1996 US Secretary of State Warren Christopher announced fresh
“tougher multilateral sanctions against Nigeria including ban on both new investment and technology exports as well as cultural boycotts” (Sklar, 2004, 21). The US officials
credited Nigerian and African criminal networks with 35 to 40% of all heroin coming into the US and therefore announced Nigeria’s inclusion on the States Department list of “non-cooperative drug trafficking nations (Bach, 2007, 315).
Nigeria was also removed from the list of “Dignified nations” of the world (Folarin, 2013, 24). The World Bank cancelled a planned investment into the Nigeria’s Liquidified Natural Gas Industry which would stop Gas flaring and improve environmental health; $100 million US dollars assistance in that direction was also suspended by the World Bank (Sklar, 2004, 21). These sanctions led to Nigeria’s decline in economic, political and military influence as foreign investment drastically
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reduced and Nigeria’s dignity to talk to West African countries on major global issues such as democratization and Human Rights also waned.
In terms of military engagement by 2014 Ethiopia has overtaken Nigeria in peacekeeping, in fact Nigeria dropped to the eighth position below Rwanda and Ghana in UN missions. The number of troops deployed from Nigeria fell from 6020 in 2009 to 2930 by the end of 2014. It has been argued that even the quality of Nigerian troops came under question because both the military and the police were ill-equipped to meet the UN standard. This is because many of the Armoured Personale Carriers (APC) have broken down and were not replaced as a result of the inability to acquire new weapons and service equipment’s due to sanctions imposed.
As such the UN department of peacekeeping has lodged several complaints. This has seriously damaged the country’s peacekeeping reputation which was established for over five decades (Cilliers et al., 2015, 22).
This study employed the Kenneth N. Waltz three levels of analysis as analytical structure to explain the causes of Nigeria’s hegemonic power decline within the West African sub-region.
1.1.2 Application of the Levels of Analysis as a Structure for Explanation Kenneth Waltz (Waltz, 1959) argues in his book Man State and War, that the nature of war can be found either in the human nature which is the first level of his analysis or in the nature of the state second level or in the nature of the international system, the third image. For Waltz it is not possible to isolate the cause of war to any single level of the three analyses but rather, war is caused by both incidences found at all the levels. Within the context of Waltz analysis therefore, Nigeria’s hegemonic
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decline could be attributed to human, domestic and international factors. Waltz introduced the levels of analysis into the field of international relations in an attempt to explain the causes of war. He identified the levels of analysis as the basis of war.
He argued that if majors can be taken to change the behaviour of man from bad to good, then war would cease. Man is by nature driven by interest and instincts which are mostly selfish. However, individual interests and instincts could be managed and regulated to curtail the tendencies of war (Waltz, 1959, 51). Thus, the hegemonic decline of a country such as Nigeria could be explained within the context of the personality “perception, choices and activities” of the political leaders of the country (Mingst, 2013, 121). The Nigeria’s Hegemony in West African sub region which began a “Zigzag” decline (K.T. Zengeni, personal communication, 13th November, 2016) from 1994 was partly prompted by the emerging trends in Nigeria’s economic and political processes as well as the personality of General Sani Abacha, the head of the military junta. Abacha took over power on the 17th of November, 1993; however, by 1994 the country faced the threat of isolation from the international community as a result of the dictatorial attitudes of the regime. As indicated earlier, massive abuse and violations of Human Rights and arbitrary arrests and detention of the regimes opponents characterized the Abacha regime (Kolawole, 2005, 874).The domestic level of analysis argued that internal defects within the state are the major causes of war and whenever these defects are eliminated or curtailed then war would inevitably cease. Thus, the characteristics of the political system operated by a state whether democratic or authoritarian, socialist or capitalist would determine the extent to which war or peace would be pursued. Internal defects such as bad leadership, lack of unity among the component parts of the country, mismanagement, corruption,
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insecurity and human rights violation were among the factors singled out to be the cause of Nigeria’s hegemonic decline.
The international level of analysis suggests that war occur because “there is nothing to prevent it” (Waltz, 2001, 160). Countries go to war in order to expand their territory and spheres of influence; and as long as countries compete for power and control, war would inevitably persist. International system is therefore, by nature anarchic. The strength and weakness of regional and international organizations would determine how states conducts in relation with other states could be regulated to curtail conflict and reduce the re-occurrences of wars. Nigeria’s diplomatic and foreign policy dispositions from 1994 have immensely contributed to its decline in the West African sub region. The purpose of Waltz analysis is to provide a guide for understanding the most suitable explanation to apply in analysing the behaviours of nations.
1.2 Statement of the Research Problem
Nigeria exercised an undisputable influence in the West African sub-region from her independence in 1960 because of the significant roles played by the country in both political, economic and social developments of the region. The country has demonstrated her capabilities, willingness and integrity toward promoting the West Africa sub-region.
As a result of the country’s abundant human and natural resources, Nigeria has intervened politically, economically and socially to restore peace in many West African countries beginning from the 1961 Congo crises. Economically Nigeria has assisted many states within the ECOWAS sub-region through the African
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Development Bank (AfDB) with low interests’ loans in order to solve their development issues and address social problems in addition to giving aid to these countries through the instrument of the Technical Aid Corp and other forms of bilateral interventions.
Although Nigeria’s hegemonic decline began even before 1994 due to emerging trends in both the political and economic processes of the country such as, the prolonged military rule and structural adjustment programme of World Bank;
however, the decline manifested itself clearly from the time General Sani Abacha took over power in 1994. In an attempt to manipulate the political process to his own advantage, General Abacha devised undemocratic tactics in order to silence opposition and perpetuate himself in power. The attitudes of the Nigerian military junta at that time earned the country its pariah status for the first time in history.
Thus, Nigeria’s international rating in terms of capability, willingness and integrity to champion the West African agenda in line with internationally accepted behaviors dropped. Nigeria could not thus, oppose dictatorial regimes across West Africa because the regime in Nigeria is also dictatorial. Therefore, in terms of willingness and integrity to push for democratic governance as well as open West African economies to conform to the requirements of the global economic communities;
Nigeria’s influence declined because her capabilities to champion the regional agenda also declines.
The question that arises is why Nigeria’s Hegemony is declining at this particular juncture. This problem creates three issues; the first is what criteria should be used to measure the country’s decline? As such a set of accepted criteria will be established to provide evidence for Nigeria’s hegemonic decline, thus, indicators of hegemonic features would be analysed in relation to Nigeria’s hegemonic decline.
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Secondly the problem demands an explanation accounting for the decline, which are the causes and factors of the decline. To analyse these, the hegemonic Stability Theory is used by the study to shape our understanding of the phenomenon and Kenneth Waltz’s three levels of analysis; these are the systemic, the domestic and the individual levels of analysis; are also used as the conceptual framework to analyse Nigeria’s hegemonic decline in West Africa. Finally the problem of Nigeria’s decline has implication at the regional level; thus, systemic level of analysis is used by the study to discuss the regional implications of Nigeria’s decline.
1.3 Research Questions
The study intends to answer the following questions:
1. What factors account for the Decline of Nigeria’s hegemonic Influence in West Africa.
2. How have international, domestic and leadership factors influenced the hegemonic Decline of Nigeria?
3. How could Nigeria’s hegemonic Decline impact on the West African region?
1.4 Research Objectives
1. To determine the factors that account for the Decline of Nigeria’s hegemonic Influence in West Africa.
2. To examine the impact of international, domestic and leadership factors on Nigeria’s hegemonic Decline in West Africa.
3. To examine the implications of Nigeria’s decline on the West African region.
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1.5 Scope of the Study
The study will focus on the assessment of both domestic and international factors as well as personality factors which account for the decline in the role played by Nigeria as a regional Hegemon in the West African from 1994 to 2015. The time frame 1994 to 2015 for Nigeria’s systematic decline was chosen because it was the time Nigeria’s hegemonic power decline manifested in all three indices; capability, willingness and integrity. Although the oil crisis of the 1980’s as well as the World Bank structural adjustment programme imposed on Nigeria in 1986 by the General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida led military regime greatly affected Nigeria’s economic growth; it nevertheless does not affect Nigeria’s international image.
Nigeria was endeared to western countries because of accepting the World Bank economic reforms. General Babangida also started a political transition programme which was intended to terminate by 1990 but was shifted to 1992. Thus, within the period, Nigeria’s international involvement increased tremendously thereby increasing her hegemonic influence in West Africa.
Nigeria’s willingness to champion the West African agenda does not also decline despite structural adjustment and the oil crises between 1980’s to 1994. The West African military force the ECOMOG was established in August 1990 with Nigeria contributing more than half of the troops and logistics; in order to restore peace in Liberia and later Sierra Leone. The Technical Aid Corp was also established in 1987 by Nigeria as a bilateral agency to assist the Africa Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP) on request with professionals such as Doctors, Engineers, Nurses and Teachers.
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West African countries continued to show their support for Nigeria despite occasional hostilities from Francophone countries whom were understood to be influenced by France. However, by 1990, the rivalry between Nigeria and France scaled down following an official visit by leaders of the two countries to each other and increased economic ties between them. Thus, while Nigeria went through economic crises in the 1980’s down to the 1990’s, her influence within the West African region remained stable.
General Sani Abacha came to power in 1993 and sought to change the way Nigeria view the world especially the western countries. His economic policies were more favourable to establishing closer ties with Asian countries which does not go down well with US and UK; Nigeria’s old time allies. The refusal of Abacha to come out with a clear transition timetable that would guarantee smooth transfer of power to democratically elected leadership in Nigeria, the allegations levelled against his regime of corruption and rights violations of opposition combined to push the western countries to declare the Nigerian state a pariah in 1995. Nigeria’s international image began its gradual decline from then onward. Western countries from then no longer considered Nigeria to be a country that can champion democratic governance in the region which is widely accepted as the global political culture. The numerous sanctions imposed on the country following her suspension from the British Common Wealth of Nations has no doubt affected both Nigeria’s economic and political influence in the international system.
Although Nigeria returned to democratic system of governance on the 29th of May, 1999, and the pariah status imposed on her lifted, her participation in West African conflicts resolution declined. As former Nigeria’s President Chief Olusegun Obasanjo pointed out in his letter to President Muhammadu Buhari that;
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No doubt, our situation in the last decade or so had shown that we are not good enough at home; hence we are invariably absent at the table that we should be abroad (Punch, 2018).
The number of Nigerian soldiers in peacekeeping operations across the world decreased by more than half by 2015. The country fall below Ghana and Burkina Faso in West Africa to become third contributing country and eighth in Africa below Burkina Faso, Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Rwanda, Senegal and Tanzania (Vanguard, 2017). From 1999 to 2015 other features of decline on Nigeria’s influence in West Africa manifested which were prompted by internal challenges posed to the Nigerian state. Thus rather than being a lateral decline, Nigeria’s hegemonic influence could be said to be gradual and systematic.
The scope coincided with a time when Nigeria witnessed series of changes in the leadership of the country. 1994 marked the beginning of General Sani Abacha regime which was considered the most obnoxious in the history of Nigeria. Nigeria returned to democratic rule in 1999 after a prolonged military rule. In 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015; elections were conducted which saw a smooth transition between civilian to civilian for the first time in the country’s history. In 2015, the ruling party lost the election and conceded defeat to an opposition party. There is no better time to carry out a study of this nature given the fact that, the country can no longer blame prolonged military rule as the cause of its decline.
1.6 Significance of the Study
This study has theoretical and empirical contributions to the existing body of knowledge. The Long Cycle Theory of George Modelski is used by this study to explain the Nigeria’s declining influence in West Africa. The theory posits that
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Hegemons live up to a period of 100 years after which they begin to decline whether they have challengers or not. It is therefore, on the strength of this that Nigeria’s hegemonic decline is explained within the context of the long cycle theory given the fact that in West Africa, Nigeria has no serious contender to her hegemonic power.
At the level of theory the study contributed in identifying the relevance of the HST in understanding the Nigeria’s hegemonic power decline in West Africa; as well as contributes to the on-going debate on what makes a regional Hegemon and what are its features in contrast to global Hegemons?
At the empirical level the study highlight the arguments on Nigeria’s hegemonic claim in West Africa considering her oxymoronic features; and analysed the causes of the decline as well as implications for the region. Despite clear evidence of Nigeria being a failing state, the country still claims to be the West African Hegemon. A failing state cannot be a Hegemon because it lacks the capacity to influence regional decisions. However, like most African states, Nigeria is a post- colonial state and owing to this, her boundaries, population and institutions are artificial creation of the colonial regime. Thus, while Nigeria is a failing state especially from 1994, the country is still the strongest in West Africa and exercises an unrivalled influence in the region therefore, the undisputable Hegemon of West Africa.
1.7 Research Method
Qualitative research is considered by this study because its analytical strength is more reliable than other methods in bringing out accurate results. The method is
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more reflective of the complex realities, have a superior level of procedure comprehension, provide accurate representation of respective stake holders and presents more accurate data due to persistent contacts with respondents (Gray, 2004).
Qualitative research method provides complex textual explanations on respondents experience on particular research issue. It emphasized on complex human behaviour relating to their values, cultures, beliefs as well as relationships between contending individuals and groups. This method proves more reliable in producing accurate and reliable results especially if the research is not predetermined by either fear or expectations of repercussions by the respondents (Gray, 2004, 319).
Qualitative method of research is more analytical and powerful. The researcher has more close interaction with the respondents; thus, it produces more accurate and distinctive stakeholders. It also produces a superior comprehension of procedures and more frequent contact thereby producing more exact data. The qualitative research method uses verbal data and has the potency of gathering large amount of information from relatively fewer cases and it gives a measure of attention to the distinguishable elements of every case (Creswell, 2014, 61; Gray, 2004, 319).
It has been argued that qualitative research method is used in social sciences because it makes researcher to be more conversant with the phenomenon he is investigating, since data is collected through personal conversation, and interviews.
According to David Gray, qualitative studies “have a quality of undeniability because words have more concrete and vivid flavour that is more convincing to the reader than pages of numbers” (Gray, 2004, 319).
This method of inquiry adopts several approaches which include explanatory and historical approaches of study which emphasize on government reports, year books,
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and journal articles, documentary as well as library research and interview. This study placed emphasis on historical research as the main source of data based on primary documents some of which are already mentioned in the foregoing. Other sources shall include documents from international organizations such as ECOWAS, newspapers and magazines, speeches from government, unpublished sources, internet, and of course interviews were to be conducted to add to evidences collected from other sources.
Qualitative method of research has advantage over other methods because it is more inductive, more analytical of descriptive circumstances and has the capacity of in- depth study of few individuals. The method is less receptive and more naturalistic because it allows for direct face-to-face contacts with respondents rather than dealing in abstract statistics. The method allows for direct interaction with the respondents thereby allowing the researcher to record whatever information he requires as they occur. The researcher can also observe unusual behaviour from the respondents during interview sessions and can easily explore questions that may make the respondents uncomfortable to answer (Gray, 2004, 215).
This study also conducted interviews as a primary source of data. An interview is a
“conversation between two people in which one person has the role of researcher”
(Gray, 2004, 213). The researchers usually have a written set of questions he wishes to ask the respondents either in a structured, semi-structured or un-structured fashion.
Interviews produce more reliable and accurate data as such this study would conduct an in-depth face-to-face interview which would also be recorded and transcribed to avoid mis-representation (Gray, 2004, 270).
The challenges faced by interview method include the demand to contend with human behaviour which is dynamic since the researcher has to interact with the
